the fish shikar is very good.
Thursday, September 29, 2011
Tuesday, May 31, 2011
Saturday, May 14, 2011
Thursday, May 12, 2011
Thursday, May 5, 2011
HEC saved from devolution
HEC may continue in present form
Islamabad, May 02: The Higher Education Commission (HEC) has finally been saved from devolution through commitment made by President Asif Ali Zardari to the leadership of Pakistan Muslim League (PML-Q) during their talks.
According to well-placed sources, among the various demands that the PML-Q put forward before the President, one was to retain the federal role of the HEC, currently put on hold pending the establishment of Commission for Standard Higher Education.
The president, according to the information, has accepted the demand about HEC. He has committed that HEC would continue to work under its present legal status, revealed the source.
It has also been learnt that the president said that the mechanism to retain the federal role of HEC would be decided later on. It is more likely that a committee of legal experts would be constituted to design a mechanism through which HEC could be saved from devolution, he said.
MNA Marvi Memon said that she could not speak about her party s policy and even did not have information about what happened during the talks between the president and leadership of PML-Q.
I am personally convinced that HEC should continue to work with its current independent status and there is no need to constitute any new commission that would work under the Cabinet Division, she said.
PML-Q secretary general Mushahid Hussain Sayed in his press conference held sometime back clearly stated that his party opposed the planned devolution of HEC and would resist any move aimed at subjugating the national institution .
HEC Chairperson Dr Javaid Laghari said that he had no clue if the president has accepted this demand of PML-Q. We, however, expect the democratic government to honour the wishes of the people of Pakistan and save HEC from devolution, he said.
He said that now it was not a matter to save HEC from devolution but to let it work in its current status. The point here is to let HEC work in its existing shape and not to introduce some new commission and new legislation in this regard, he added.
Despite repeated attempts by these correspondents presidential spokesman Farhatullah Babar was not available for comments.
Earlier, the meeting of Council of Common Interest (CCI) approved the proposal that the federal government would continue to fund the public sector universities till the next NFC award due in 2014.
The sources claimed that during the meeting of CCI the provinces showed their complete inability to run public sector universities at their own thus forcing the federal government to allocate funds for higher education sector in the upcoming federal budget.
Now the federal government would allocate funds for higher education sector in the next annual budget. The finance wing was quite active to get rid of the financial burden of the public sector universities but the provinces were not ready to take up the responsibility that was apparently beyond their financial capacity, the sources said.
It has been learnt reliably that chairperson of Implementation Commission, Senator Mian Raza Rabbani, during the meeting of CCI severely criticised HEC and said that it should be devolved to the provinces. Rabbani was of the opinion that HEC was doing propaganda against government by saying that the government is taking revenge for HEC s strict stance in degree verification process, the source revealed.
Islamabad, May 02: The Higher Education Commission (HEC) has finally been saved from devolution through commitment made by President Asif Ali Zardari to the leadership of Pakistan Muslim League (PML-Q) during their talks.
According to well-placed sources, among the various demands that the PML-Q put forward before the President, one was to retain the federal role of the HEC, currently put on hold pending the establishment of Commission for Standard Higher Education.
The president, according to the information, has accepted the demand about HEC. He has committed that HEC would continue to work under its present legal status, revealed the source.
It has also been learnt that the president said that the mechanism to retain the federal role of HEC would be decided later on. It is more likely that a committee of legal experts would be constituted to design a mechanism through which HEC could be saved from devolution, he said.
MNA Marvi Memon said that she could not speak about her party s policy and even did not have information about what happened during the talks between the president and leadership of PML-Q.
I am personally convinced that HEC should continue to work with its current independent status and there is no need to constitute any new commission that would work under the Cabinet Division, she said.
PML-Q secretary general Mushahid Hussain Sayed in his press conference held sometime back clearly stated that his party opposed the planned devolution of HEC and would resist any move aimed at subjugating the national institution .
HEC Chairperson Dr Javaid Laghari said that he had no clue if the president has accepted this demand of PML-Q. We, however, expect the democratic government to honour the wishes of the people of Pakistan and save HEC from devolution, he said.
He said that now it was not a matter to save HEC from devolution but to let it work in its current status. The point here is to let HEC work in its existing shape and not to introduce some new commission and new legislation in this regard, he added.
Despite repeated attempts by these correspondents presidential spokesman Farhatullah Babar was not available for comments.
Earlier, the meeting of Council of Common Interest (CCI) approved the proposal that the federal government would continue to fund the public sector universities till the next NFC award due in 2014.
The sources claimed that during the meeting of CCI the provinces showed their complete inability to run public sector universities at their own thus forcing the federal government to allocate funds for higher education sector in the upcoming federal budget.
Now the federal government would allocate funds for higher education sector in the next annual budget. The finance wing was quite active to get rid of the financial burden of the public sector universities but the provinces were not ready to take up the responsibility that was apparently beyond their financial capacity, the sources said.
It has been learnt reliably that chairperson of Implementation Commission, Senator Mian Raza Rabbani, during the meeting of CCI severely criticised HEC and said that it should be devolved to the provinces. Rabbani was of the opinion that HEC was doing propaganda against government by saying that the government is taking revenge for HEC s strict stance in degree verification process, the source revealed.
devolution of higher education comission to the provinces
Implementation Commission all set to devolve HEC to provinces
Islamabad, March 25: Making a somewhat tricky move, Implementation Commission has decided to devolve Higher Education Commission (HEC) to the provinces and have started consulting with provincial governments without taking HEC on board.
According to well-placed sources, Implementation Commission has approved the devolution of HEC despite the fact that it exists in the Federal Legislative List (FLL) while under 18th amendment only concurrent list is supposed to be devolved.
It has been learnt reliably that the Implementation Commission in its last meeting reviewed the HEC law for almost five hours after which they had decided to devolve it without taking HEC into confidence.
"The plan has been prepared very carefully. Federal government is trying to save its money by handing over HEC to provinces. In this way they would save money in the upcoming budget and would ask provinces to run HEC from the money they would get from NFC award," a source said.
On the other hand, the source said, provinces are having a misconception that they would get extra money as HEC budget. "The federal government has committed World Bank that it would allocate sufficient amount in higher education sector to meet Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Once HEC would be devolved, the commitment would automatically come to an end," he added.
Meanwhile, provinces have been visited by the members of Implementation Commission to check their preparedness to take the responsibility. According to a member of the Implementation Commission, they have received positive response from the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhawa so far.
According to the sources, HEC has written a letter to Implementation Commission a month ago in which it was asked to brief them about its status and also to provide them an opportunity to give presentation on their role in the progress of higher education sector in the country. "There was no reply from Implementation Commission. It is now again that HEC has written a letter to the Implementation Commission to provide them an opportunity to present their achievements. Saturday is the date that has been decided for the meeting," said the source.
The source also revealed that they were not sure if HEC would get chance to give presentation. "We are simply clueless. We have prepared our presentation, but not sure if we would be allowed to present it, as Implementation Commission has already decided the matter," he said.
The education experts believe that the subject of higher education has close, deep and multidimensional links to national policy and planning, economic growth, scientific and technical research, defence production, industrial growth and national innovation system.
"Higher education is not a subject that is confined to national boundaries since it is imperative to have international recognition of degrees for which adherence to international quality assurance benchmark is a necessity," said a source.
Former HEC chairperson and Education Task Force Chairperson Begum Shahnaz Wazir Ali said that the 18th amendment has added key provisions to the Federal Legislative List (FLL), which include all regulatory authorities established under a Federal Law, National planning and national economic coordination including planning and coordination of scientific and technological research, standards in institutions for higher education and research, scientific and technical institutions, inter-provincial matters and co-ordination. "The federal role of HEC is inevitable for the policy, planning and coordination and it exists in FLL," she said.
She said that the role of provinces was already exists in higher education sector as Governor of any province is the chancellor of universities of that particular province and is an authority to hire Vice Chancellors of the universities. "What would be criteria of evaluating PhD degrees when every province would be having different standards to evaluate it," she said.
Terming it a disaster, HEC former chairperson Dr. Atta-ur Rehaman said that the decision would reverse back the tremendous growth that HEC has made over the last decade.
"Look at the progress HEC has made. There has been 600 percent increase in our publications in over the last decade. We have produced a number of Phd scholars in 10 years that have not been produced in last 60 years," he added.
He informed that he would be holding a press conference over this grave issue on Friday and would tell people that the devolution would have an adverse impact over the higher education sector.
It is pertinent to mention here that the vice chancellors of public and private sector universities visiting UK under 'leadership development training' took cognisance of the possible devolution of the HEC to the provinces. They have issued a resolution in which they stated that the HEC must continue in its current form, devolving HEC to the provinces and experiencing with the proposed model will cause devastation in higher education sector, after devaluation higher education sector would have the same fate as school and colleges under the provinces have suffered by the similar cavalier policies before us.
The resolution has been passed by 11 VCs that included the names of Allama Iqbal Open University (AIOU) VC Dr. Nazir A Sangi, Behria University VC Vice Admiral (r) Mohammad Haroon, KPK University of Engineering and Technology VC Engineer Syed Imtiaz Hussain Gillani, University of Balochistan VC Professor Dr. Abdul Nabi, Gomal University VC Professor Dr. Mansoor Akbar Kundi, Hazara University VC Professor Dr. Sakhawat Shah, Kohat University of Science and Technology VC Professor Dr. Nasir Jamal Khattak, KPK Agriculture University VC Professor Dr. Khan Bahadar Marwat, Government College University Faisalabad Dr. Zakir Hussain, Sarhad University of Science and Information Technology VC Dr. Salim-ur-Rehman, Isra University VC Dr. Ghulam Qadir Qazi and UET Taxila VC Prof Dr Muhammad Abbas Chaudhary.
HEC Executive Director Dr. Sohail Naqvi when contacted said that they haven't received anything officially till now. "We have just heard that the future of HEC has been decided. Our meeting in this regard with Implementation Commission is scheduled on Saturday," he said.
He said that after 18th amendment, HEC has become a subject that comes under Federal Legislative List (FLL). "It's not simple as in case of schools and colleges. The 80 per cent work on science and technology is conducted in universities. The federal role of HEC is inevitable for inter-provincial coordination of the research work being conducted in the universities," he said. The news
Islamabad, March 25: Making a somewhat tricky move, Implementation Commission has decided to devolve Higher Education Commission (HEC) to the provinces and have started consulting with provincial governments without taking HEC on board.
According to well-placed sources, Implementation Commission has approved the devolution of HEC despite the fact that it exists in the Federal Legislative List (FLL) while under 18th amendment only concurrent list is supposed to be devolved.
It has been learnt reliably that the Implementation Commission in its last meeting reviewed the HEC law for almost five hours after which they had decided to devolve it without taking HEC into confidence.
"The plan has been prepared very carefully. Federal government is trying to save its money by handing over HEC to provinces. In this way they would save money in the upcoming budget and would ask provinces to run HEC from the money they would get from NFC award," a source said.
On the other hand, the source said, provinces are having a misconception that they would get extra money as HEC budget. "The federal government has committed World Bank that it would allocate sufficient amount in higher education sector to meet Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Once HEC would be devolved, the commitment would automatically come to an end," he added.
Meanwhile, provinces have been visited by the members of Implementation Commission to check their preparedness to take the responsibility. According to a member of the Implementation Commission, they have received positive response from the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhawa so far.
According to the sources, HEC has written a letter to Implementation Commission a month ago in which it was asked to brief them about its status and also to provide them an opportunity to give presentation on their role in the progress of higher education sector in the country. "There was no reply from Implementation Commission. It is now again that HEC has written a letter to the Implementation Commission to provide them an opportunity to present their achievements. Saturday is the date that has been decided for the meeting," said the source.
The source also revealed that they were not sure if HEC would get chance to give presentation. "We are simply clueless. We have prepared our presentation, but not sure if we would be allowed to present it, as Implementation Commission has already decided the matter," he said.
The education experts believe that the subject of higher education has close, deep and multidimensional links to national policy and planning, economic growth, scientific and technical research, defence production, industrial growth and national innovation system.
"Higher education is not a subject that is confined to national boundaries since it is imperative to have international recognition of degrees for which adherence to international quality assurance benchmark is a necessity," said a source.
Former HEC chairperson and Education Task Force Chairperson Begum Shahnaz Wazir Ali said that the 18th amendment has added key provisions to the Federal Legislative List (FLL), which include all regulatory authorities established under a Federal Law, National planning and national economic coordination including planning and coordination of scientific and technological research, standards in institutions for higher education and research, scientific and technical institutions, inter-provincial matters and co-ordination. "The federal role of HEC is inevitable for the policy, planning and coordination and it exists in FLL," she said.
She said that the role of provinces was already exists in higher education sector as Governor of any province is the chancellor of universities of that particular province and is an authority to hire Vice Chancellors of the universities. "What would be criteria of evaluating PhD degrees when every province would be having different standards to evaluate it," she said.
Terming it a disaster, HEC former chairperson Dr. Atta-ur Rehaman said that the decision would reverse back the tremendous growth that HEC has made over the last decade.
"Look at the progress HEC has made. There has been 600 percent increase in our publications in over the last decade. We have produced a number of Phd scholars in 10 years that have not been produced in last 60 years," he added.
He informed that he would be holding a press conference over this grave issue on Friday and would tell people that the devolution would have an adverse impact over the higher education sector.
It is pertinent to mention here that the vice chancellors of public and private sector universities visiting UK under 'leadership development training' took cognisance of the possible devolution of the HEC to the provinces. They have issued a resolution in which they stated that the HEC must continue in its current form, devolving HEC to the provinces and experiencing with the proposed model will cause devastation in higher education sector, after devaluation higher education sector would have the same fate as school and colleges under the provinces have suffered by the similar cavalier policies before us.
The resolution has been passed by 11 VCs that included the names of Allama Iqbal Open University (AIOU) VC Dr. Nazir A Sangi, Behria University VC Vice Admiral (r) Mohammad Haroon, KPK University of Engineering and Technology VC Engineer Syed Imtiaz Hussain Gillani, University of Balochistan VC Professor Dr. Abdul Nabi, Gomal University VC Professor Dr. Mansoor Akbar Kundi, Hazara University VC Professor Dr. Sakhawat Shah, Kohat University of Science and Technology VC Professor Dr. Nasir Jamal Khattak, KPK Agriculture University VC Professor Dr. Khan Bahadar Marwat, Government College University Faisalabad Dr. Zakir Hussain, Sarhad University of Science and Information Technology VC Dr. Salim-ur-Rehman, Isra University VC Dr. Ghulam Qadir Qazi and UET Taxila VC Prof Dr Muhammad Abbas Chaudhary.
HEC Executive Director Dr. Sohail Naqvi when contacted said that they haven't received anything officially till now. "We have just heard that the future of HEC has been decided. Our meeting in this regard with Implementation Commission is scheduled on Saturday," he said.
He said that after 18th amendment, HEC has become a subject that comes under Federal Legislative List (FLL). "It's not simple as in case of schools and colleges. The 80 per cent work on science and technology is conducted in universities. The federal role of HEC is inevitable for inter-provincial coordination of the research work being conducted in the universities," he said. The news
Nationalist Movements in Sindh and Question of Provincial Autonomy
Mirnority Rights Commission (MRC) organized a seminar on Nationalist Movement in Sindh and Question of Provincial Autonomy on July 3rd 2007 in Hyderabad. A large number of civil society organizations, political parties and media related groups, students, elected representatives, intellectuals and writers attended the forum. The forum was conducted in two sessions: first one was technical and the second political session. Mr. Zulfiqar Shah (Provincial Coordinator South Asia Partnership Sindh), Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Baloch (Reginal Head Strengthening Participatory Organization SPO Hyderabad) and Mr. Hassan Raza Bukhari (Coordinator MRC) facilitate these sessions.
First Session (Technical Session)
Mr. Zulfiqar Shah (Provincial Coordinator South Asia Partnership Sindh)
First session was started by Zulfiqar Ali Shah. After a formal welcome note to the participants, he briefed regading the background of and philosophy of provincial autonomy. He shared that Sindh was rich civilized as compared to other provinces. It was economically and socially sound state befor the partition of subcontinent. Sindh assembly was the first to pass a resolution in favor of Pakistan. But now Sindh province is suffering from illiteracy, unemployment, law and order situation, political disorder and many others social and economic problems. Now the question arise that why is this happening with the little provinces like Sindh and Balochistan. MRC have taken the initiatives on this burning issue which is the bone of contention among Pakistani states.
Mr. Ghulam Mustafs Baloch (Regional Head SPO)
He stated that General Parvaiz Musharaf Government declared seven points in 2002 regading provincial autonomy but unfortunately it remained only a slogan and could never be implemented. Sindh Assembly passed the very first resolution in support of Pakistan, Sien GM Syed palyed major role but he had given a lot of punishments, Sadar Akbar Buggti raised voice for Baloch’s control on natural resources of their province bgut he was killed in military operation. There are lots of other people who sacrificed for Pakistan in real meaning but brutally killed by Pakistani army.
Mr. Hassan Raza Bukhari (Coordinator MRC)
MRC has been working on provincial autonomy since February 21, 2006. We have been conducting the programs throughout the country. We have emphasized on provincial autonomy. Before 1954, Bahawalpur state was isolated from Pakistan and it has different identification but Pakistan dominated the people and resources when it merged with Pakistan.
Mr. Asim Akhunad (Philosophy Department University of Sindh Jamshoro)
In the past, so many national movements were put in to action for the sake of national rights like Indonesia, Vietnam, Russia. All national movements struggled for their independence and empowerment. According to Lenin, “Small nations have short space to live as compared to the biggest nations”. Nationalism is free from religion. It has culture, history, language, economics and political structure. It is unbalanced in human history from the very beginning; some nations are powerful and others are powerless. Democracy means equal in all segments of society. But, Pakistan failed in implementation of democracy. The authorities of Pakistan converted themselves into colonial watchman. Pakistan army has been converted into more powerful pillars of state and socio economic condition is changing gradually. Therefore, provincial movements are arising in Pakistan.
Mr. Subehdin Ghori (Jurnalist Karach Press Club)
Province make a country, country does not provinces. If Pakistan does not justify with the rights of its provinces, it will be broken like Bangladesh. So, it is necessary to equalize the distribution of right among all provinces. Sindh is the biggest industrial zone. It has 62% contribution in revenue but it has given only 26% in the form of National Finance Certificate (NFC) award. Now a days Pakistan is facing the problems of uniform and it created so many other difficulties in the way of democracy and prosperity of Pakistan. There are many loopholes in the politics of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and army has no political role according to the constitution.
Ms. Amar Sindhu (Philosopher and Writer)
If national assembly will sustain then resolution about provincial assembly will submit and it is duty of every national organizations of sindh that they should highlight the issues and problems of Sindh. Provincial autonomyis the problem of every person living in effected province. If the constitution of 1973 would have been practiced in real sense then such issues could never be grown up. Practicing of the constitution is the only tool to solve this problem of provincial autonomy that province has full right on the local recourses.
Second Session (Political Session)
Mr. Gul Mohammad Jakhari (General Secretary Sindh National Front)
He addressed the participants and said that that Sindh National Front has major objection on provincial autonomy. He said our leader Mumtaz Bhutto always raised the question of confederation and we do not agree with the central policies of the federation which is the violation of the constitution and provincial rights. Sindh National Front is doing advocacy to promote the provincial autonomy. People claimed that Mumtaz Bhutto signed the NFC award against Sindh. Infact, he is the person who always struggled for the rights of Sindh. Sindh National Front condemns every ordinance, every document, and every legislation which is against Sindh province and wants the system of confederation. All rights and decisions should be in control of provincial authorities and not in control of army or unelected person.
Mr. Comrade Jam Saqi (Scholar)
Due to lack of political stability Pakistan failed to implement democracy in the country and nobody can do anything sans the permission of Pakistan Army. National movements struggled for their rights but unfortunately, they could not build a pressure on government. Seraiki Movement in Punjab, Baloch Movement in Balochistan and Sindh Movement in Sindh are working by their own tracks, they do not have the common strategy. Hence, these movements could not build pressure on the government. “We are hopeful that the day will come when we will be authorized on our local resources” he ended.
Mr. Hoat Khan Ghandi (Sindh Tarki Pasand Party STP)
Sindh Tarki Pasand Party (STP) has the motto that all resources should be under control of the people who are living in Sindh since hundred years. The issue of provincial autonomy did not hoist few time ago but it began with the creation of Pakistan when migrants came here for refuge. A large number of refugees settled in Karachi the major city of Sindh. Now all the resources are under control of non-Sindhis, even policy making institutions are not in control of Sindhis. We have been struggling for water issue, island issue and NFC award issue throughout Sindh and we strongly condemn the incident of violations of human rights on May 12, 2007. “The government and the supreme court of Pakistan should investigate the master minds behind this episode”, he demanded.
Mr. Punhal Sariyo (Social and Political Activist)
National movements had brought changes in socio-economic and political conditions of many other countries. Provincial autonomy is the burning issue of Sindh and the grass root cause of other issues in the province. If the issue of provincial autonomy would be addressed properly by the government nobody could say that Sindh is a marginalized and deprived province. But unfortunately, all the resources are captured by the federal government. Unemployment ratio is increasing day-by-day, poverty ratio is crossing its limits and water logging is the biggest issue of agriculture.
Mr. Hussain Bukhsh Thebo (Scholar and Political Activist)
In the paper of the constitution 1973, cultural, political and economical rights are given to the provinces but federal government could not provide mentioned rights as per to the ordinance. Provincial autonomy is the only solution for improvement and betterment of social and economical condition of Sindh.
Mr. Afzal Gujar (Pakistan Muslim League-N)
PLM-N has always taken the initiative for provincial autonomy. Oure condition cannot change until Presidents General Parvaiz Musharaf is ruling the country. Because, Pakistan is a democratic country and it cannot run under army control. So, it’s necessary to put up pressure against army and General Parvaiz Musharaf on international forum.
Mr. Ayaz Latif Palijo Advocate (Awami Tehreek)
It is very clear the Sindh has no power to do something for the betterment of Sindhis who are captured by the refugees came from other province and dominated on its resources. The political class could not resolve the issues of Sindh. The internal conflicts of the political parties are also the reason behind this situation. Even Sindhi Chief Minister could not do anything for Sindhi people. Middle class community is less interested in politics and poor people are deprived through devolution of power plan. Our political, cultural and economical rights have been violated but we cannot protest. So, there is need for collective action. We should forgive and forget the mistakes of each other otherwise will be destroyed and history will remember us.
Militants, drone attacks make life difficult in tribal areas
India has always claimed that its army is China-centric and its military transformation is not against Pakistan. But ground reality is quit different from the Indian military’s forged claims. This article will focus on three main issues: first, the Indian military’s formation and deployment against Pakistan; second, the Indian military’s Pakistan-focused arms acquisition; and third, Indian military’s aggressive doctrines and strategies against Pakistan.
The Indian Army is divided into six operational commands. 1. Northern Command- Udhampur, Jammu and Kashmir. 2- Southern Command- Pune, Maharashtra, 3- Eastern Command Kolkata-West Bengal, 4- Western Command- Chandimandir, 5- Southwestern Command- Jaipur, Rajasthan, 6- Central Command- Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh. Out of these six commands three are Pakistan centric. Firstly, Northern Command which is headquartered at Udhampur, Jammu and Kashmir. It possess three Corps under its command, which are XIV Corps, headquartered at Leh, Jammu and Kashmir, XV Corps, headquartered at Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir and XVI Corps, headquartered at Nagrota, Jammu and Kashmir.
The second command which is focused on Pakistan is the “Southern Command” which is headquartered at Pune, Maharashtra and responsible for border areas of Rajasthan. It possesses XII Corps, which is headquartered at Jodhpur, Rajasthan close to the border with Pakistan. It is equipped with Armour brigade and Mechanised brigade along with two infantry divisions for swift and quick thrusts into Pakistan.
The third Pakistan-focused command is the Western Command, which is headquartered at Chandimandir, Indian Punjab. This is the most important Indian command as far as Pakistan is concerned. This command holds extensive strike power. There are four corps under this command which includes, the II-Corps, X Corps, IX Corps, and XI Corps.
II-Corps is the most important of the Indian Army's three strike formations. Initially it was tasked with cutting across the Cholistan desert towards Jacobabad cutting Pakistan into two. But after the induction of nuclear weapons in South Asia, its role has been transformed. Now it will support the Indian Army’s proactive military operations to carry out swift and quick limited assaults against Pakistan.
This Corps (II-Corps) holds almost 50 per cent of the Indian army’s strike capabilities. It is responsible for guarding the borders till Ganganagar. II-Corps is a strike force that includes an armoured division, which is capable of intruding deep into enemy territory. Its Armoured Division is located at Patiala; it has also placed Reorganised Army’s Plains Infantry Division (RAPID) which is located at Dehradun. The Indian Army has four RAPID (Reorganized Army Plains Infantry Division) formations each consisting of two infantry brigades, one mechanised brigade with brigade-sized mechanised assets, one artillery brigade, one recon and support battalion, one engineer regiment, one signals regiment and vastly improved surveillance with target acquisition equipment and dedicated aviation units. RAPID formations are attached to the Holding Corps in Punjab and Rajasthan and provide these essentially defensive formations with an extremely flexible unit that dramatically enhances their ability to withstand offensive operations against Pakistan. All these capabilities shows that most of the Indian strike formations are Pakistan focused not China.
X Corps which is headquartered at Bhatinda, Punjab also comes under the Western Command; this Corps also possesses adequate strike power including an Infantry Division two RAPID, an Independent Armoured brigade, An Independent, an Air defence brigade and an Engineering Brigade. Due to its proximity with Pakistani Punjab, this Corps is also considered to be Pakistan focused.
IX Corps, headquartered at Yol, Himachal Pradesh also comes under Western Command. This Corps also posses plenty of strike forces including two Infantry Divisions, and three Independent Armoured brigades, giving enough fire power to launch quick assault against Pakistan within short span of time.
XI Corps, headquartered at Jalandhar, Punjab is also part of Western Command. This Corps is also Pakistan centric, because of the propinquity with Pakistan. This Corps possesses enough fire power to launch a quick, swift and sudden attack giving no response time to Pakistan army. This Corps is armed with three infantry divisions, one armoured brigade and Mechanised brigade for rapid intrusion inside Pakistani territory.
In 2005 Vajra Shakti Exercise, India brought flexibility in its holding corps. These holding corps were designated as Pivot Corps. Pivot Corps can initiate offensive if required in the battlefield. According to the then Chief of Army Staff, Gen J J Singh, ‘‘They (Pivot Corps) have assigned roles, which are offensive as well as defensive and the doctrine does not spell them out in detail. The decision making has been left to theatre commanders, depending upon their assessment and evaluation of the situation. The purpose of these corps was to give an offensive punch to its Defensive Corps for any rapid assault against Pakistan.
After the brief assessment of the Indian army’s deployment patterns, we can assess that most of the Indian Army is deployed against Pakistan. Such a deployment has compelled Pakistan to adopt counter measures and devote most of its resources to the eastern border to avoid any coercion by the Indian Army. The next paragraphs of the article will assess the Indian military’s Pakistan focused arms acquisition and its impact on Pakistan.
In last five years the Indian military has brought a dramatic transformation in its weapons and equipment. In 2004 it introduced LORROS- Long Range Reconnaissance and Observation System. This is a high quality, remotely controlled; observation system designed for medium and long range surveillance. India has already utilized this system in the Indian Held Kashmir-(IHK) against Mujahideen and it has also used this system against Pakistan Army to keep a constant check on the deployment and movement of Pakistan Army at the LoC. Its main aim is to provide border surveillance, intelligence gathering, reconnaissance, artillery spotting & target acquisition.
The Indian Army has also introduced Weapon Locating Radar (WLR). WLR is mobile artillery locating phased array radar developed by India. This counter-battery radar is designed to detect and track incoming artillery and rocket fire to determine the point of origin for counter-battery fire. India practiced this radar in the 2009 military exercises. In the same year the Indian army introduced Battle Field Surveillance Radar- Short Range (BFSR-SR). This is a man portable 2D short range Battle Field and Perimeter Surveillance Radar developed by the Indian Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO). Both these radars are Pakistan-specific and were practiced in 2009 military exercises, closed to the border with Pakistan showing India military’s Pakistan-centric approach. India has also extensively practiced Network Centric and electronic warfare capabilities in last few years.
It is necessary for the Indian military to acquire latest fighter jets along with fast mobility latest Main Battle Tanks (MBTs) because any rapid assault (against Pakistan) would require mechanized armour and latest fighter jets to carry out swift, quick, day and night operations with lightening speed. India in the last five years has added 82 Sukhoi-30 MKI fighters and 300 T-90 tanks from Russia, and A-50/Phalcon Airborne Early Warning (AEW) system from Israel and Russia. By 2015, it would be able to have 272 SU-30 fighter jets in its air force and approximately 1000 T-90 tanks by 2020. Such a huge air and mechanized force is mainly for Pakistan, because of the geographical compulsions. India cannot use its tanks and other mechanized forces against China because of the rugged mountainous terrain. So as far Indian arms acquisition is concerned, it is mainly to coerce Pakistan and establish its regional hegemony in the subcontinent. The next part of the article would briefly assess the Indian military’s aggressive doctrine and its impact on Pakistan.
Initially Indian military’s doctrine (Sunder Ji Doctrine) was aimed at dissecting Pakistan into two parts, but after the nuclearization of the region and threat of nuclear retaliation by Pakistan, India brought a change in its military doctrine and introduced Cold Start Doctrine in 2004. This doctrine is aimed against Pakistan and urges the Indian military to carry out quick and swift operations against Pakistan within 72-96 hours and give no response time to Pakistan military. To operationalize this doctrine the Indian military would require Network Centric Warfare (NCW) and Electronic Warfare (EW) capabilities in its army and air force with robust command and control at its core. Synergy and integration between the Indian forces would be essential elements of this doctrine. To operationalize this doctrine, the Indian military has carried out almost 10 major exercises in last six years close to the border with Pakistan. It has practiced all those elements which are required for Cold Start-based operations. Because of this doctrine deterrence in South Asia is in danger because of the rapid militarization and operationalisation of Cold Start Doctrine. It has the potential not only to operationalise Indian military doctrine on the basis of pre-emption but can also trigger a nuclear conflict.
Most of the Indian Army is deployed against Pakistan, which shows that it is Pakistan centric. India is improving its ties with China and it is possible that their mutual trade may cross 100 billion dollars mark in next few years. Recently, India and China have also carried out joint military exercises showing that they are improving their bilateral relationship at a rapid pace and it would be unwise to expect any clash between China and India in the foreseeable future. But with Pakistan, India is in constant clash over many issues starting from Kashmir, Siachen, Sir Creek, water distribution and terrorism. It is a possibility that India may launch a limited war (under the nuclear umbrella) against Pakistan to intimidate Pakistan economically and militarily. In such a scenario it would be difficult to assess Pakistan’s response. Any provocation against Pakistan may lead to nuclear exchange. It is imperative for the Indian strategic thinkers to think wisely and forget the approach of “immediate neighbour as an enemy” and work for the peace and development of the region. Pakistan-centric military buildup will not benefit either party. The Indian military must take concrete steps to build confidence with its small neighbours, only then we can expect long term peace and stability in South Asia.
The Indian Army is divided into six operational commands. 1. Northern Command- Udhampur, Jammu and Kashmir. 2- Southern Command- Pune, Maharashtra, 3- Eastern Command Kolkata-West Bengal, 4- Western Command- Chandimandir, 5- Southwestern Command- Jaipur, Rajasthan, 6- Central Command- Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh. Out of these six commands three are Pakistan centric. Firstly, Northern Command which is headquartered at Udhampur, Jammu and Kashmir. It possess three Corps under its command, which are XIV Corps, headquartered at Leh, Jammu and Kashmir, XV Corps, headquartered at Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir and XVI Corps, headquartered at Nagrota, Jammu and Kashmir.
The second command which is focused on Pakistan is the “Southern Command” which is headquartered at Pune, Maharashtra and responsible for border areas of Rajasthan. It possesses XII Corps, which is headquartered at Jodhpur, Rajasthan close to the border with Pakistan. It is equipped with Armour brigade and Mechanised brigade along with two infantry divisions for swift and quick thrusts into Pakistan.
The third Pakistan-focused command is the Western Command, which is headquartered at Chandimandir, Indian Punjab. This is the most important Indian command as far as Pakistan is concerned. This command holds extensive strike power. There are four corps under this command which includes, the II-Corps, X Corps, IX Corps, and XI Corps.
II-Corps is the most important of the Indian Army's three strike formations. Initially it was tasked with cutting across the Cholistan desert towards Jacobabad cutting Pakistan into two. But after the induction of nuclear weapons in South Asia, its role has been transformed. Now it will support the Indian Army’s proactive military operations to carry out swift and quick limited assaults against Pakistan.
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X Corps which is headquartered at Bhatinda, Punjab also comes under the Western Command; this Corps also possesses adequate strike power including an Infantry Division two RAPID, an Independent Armoured brigade, An Independent, an Air defence brigade and an Engineering Brigade. Due to its proximity with Pakistani Punjab, this Corps is also considered to be Pakistan focused.
IX Corps, headquartered at Yol, Himachal Pradesh also comes under Western Command. This Corps also posses plenty of strike forces including two Infantry Divisions, and three Independent Armoured brigades, giving enough fire power to launch quick assault against Pakistan within short span of time.
XI Corps, headquartered at Jalandhar, Punjab is also part of Western Command. This Corps is also Pakistan centric, because of the propinquity with Pakistan. This Corps possesses enough fire power to launch a quick, swift and sudden attack giving no response time to Pakistan army. This Corps is armed with three infantry divisions, one armoured brigade and Mechanised brigade for rapid intrusion inside Pakistani territory.
In 2005 Vajra Shakti Exercise, India brought flexibility in its holding corps. These holding corps were designated as Pivot Corps. Pivot Corps can initiate offensive if required in the battlefield. According to the then Chief of Army Staff, Gen J J Singh, ‘‘They (Pivot Corps) have assigned roles, which are offensive as well as defensive and the doctrine does not spell them out in detail. The decision making has been left to theatre commanders, depending upon their assessment and evaluation of the situation. The purpose of these corps was to give an offensive punch to its Defensive Corps for any rapid assault against Pakistan.
After the brief assessment of the Indian army’s deployment patterns, we can assess that most of the Indian Army is deployed against Pakistan. Such a deployment has compelled Pakistan to adopt counter measures and devote most of its resources to the eastern border to avoid any coercion by the Indian Army. The next paragraphs of the article will assess the Indian military’s Pakistan focused arms acquisition and its impact on Pakistan.
In last five years the Indian military has brought a dramatic transformation in its weapons and equipment. In 2004 it introduced LORROS- Long Range Reconnaissance and Observation System. This is a high quality, remotely controlled; observation system designed for medium and long range surveillance. India has already utilized this system in the Indian Held Kashmir-(IHK) against Mujahideen and it has also used this system against Pakistan Army to keep a constant check on the deployment and movement of Pakistan Army at the LoC. Its main aim is to provide border surveillance, intelligence gathering, reconnaissance, artillery spotting & target acquisition.
The Indian Army has also introduced Weapon Locating Radar (WLR). WLR is mobile artillery locating phased array radar developed by India. This counter-battery radar is designed to detect and track incoming artillery and rocket fire to determine the point of origin for counter-battery fire. India practiced this radar in the 2009 military exercises. In the same year the Indian army introduced Battle Field Surveillance Radar- Short Range (BFSR-SR). This is a man portable 2D short range Battle Field and Perimeter Surveillance Radar developed by the Indian Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO). Both these radars are Pakistan-specific and were practiced in 2009 military exercises, closed to the border with Pakistan showing India military’s Pakistan-centric approach. India has also extensively practiced Network Centric and electronic warfare capabilities in last few years.
It is necessary for the Indian military to acquire latest fighter jets along with fast mobility latest Main Battle Tanks (MBTs) because any rapid assault (against Pakistan) would require mechanized armour and latest fighter jets to carry out swift, quick, day and night operations with lightening speed. India in the last five years has added 82 Sukhoi-30 MKI fighters and 300 T-90 tanks from Russia, and A-50/Phalcon Airborne Early Warning (AEW) system from Israel and Russia. By 2015, it would be able to have 272 SU-30 fighter jets in its air force and approximately 1000 T-90 tanks by 2020. Such a huge air and mechanized force is mainly for Pakistan, because of the geographical compulsions. India cannot use its tanks and other mechanized forces against China because of the rugged mountainous terrain. So as far Indian arms acquisition is concerned, it is mainly to coerce Pakistan and establish its regional hegemony in the subcontinent. The next part of the article would briefly assess the Indian military’s aggressive doctrine and its impact on Pakistan.
Initially Indian military’s doctrine (Sunder Ji Doctrine) was aimed at dissecting Pakistan into two parts, but after the nuclearization of the region and threat of nuclear retaliation by Pakistan, India brought a change in its military doctrine and introduced Cold Start Doctrine in 2004. This doctrine is aimed against Pakistan and urges the Indian military to carry out quick and swift operations against Pakistan within 72-96 hours and give no response time to Pakistan military. To operationalize this doctrine the Indian military would require Network Centric Warfare (NCW) and Electronic Warfare (EW) capabilities in its army and air force with robust command and control at its core. Synergy and integration between the Indian forces would be essential elements of this doctrine. To operationalize this doctrine, the Indian military has carried out almost 10 major exercises in last six years close to the border with Pakistan. It has practiced all those elements which are required for Cold Start-based operations. Because of this doctrine deterrence in South Asia is in danger because of the rapid militarization and operationalisation of Cold Start Doctrine. It has the potential not only to operationalise Indian military doctrine on the basis of pre-emption but can also trigger a nuclear conflict.
Most of the Indian Army is deployed against Pakistan, which shows that it is Pakistan centric. India is improving its ties with China and it is possible that their mutual trade may cross 100 billion dollars mark in next few years. Recently, India and China have also carried out joint military exercises showing that they are improving their bilateral relationship at a rapid pace and it would be unwise to expect any clash between China and India in the foreseeable future. But with Pakistan, India is in constant clash over many issues starting from Kashmir, Siachen, Sir Creek, water distribution and terrorism. It is a possibility that India may launch a limited war (under the nuclear umbrella) against Pakistan to intimidate Pakistan economically and militarily. In such a scenario it would be difficult to assess Pakistan’s response. Any provocation against Pakistan may lead to nuclear exchange. It is imperative for the Indian strategic thinkers to think wisely and forget the approach of “immediate neighbour as an enemy” and work for the peace and development of the region. Pakistan-centric military buildup will not benefit either party. The Indian military must take concrete steps to build confidence with its small neighbours, only then we can expect long term peace and stability in South Asia.
Causes of Suicide Terrorism
Causes of Suicide Terrorism
Here's an absolutely fascinating interview with Robert Pape, a University of Chicago professor who has studied every suicide terrorist attack since 1980.RP: This wealth of information creates a new picture about what is motivating suicide terrorism. Islamic fundamentalism is not as closely associated with suicide terrorism as many people think. The world leader in suicide terrorism is a group that you may not be familiar with: the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka. ....TAC: So if Islamic fundamentalism is not necessarily a key variable behind these groups, what is?
RP: The central fact is that overwhelmingly suicide-terrorist attacks are not driven by religion as much as they are by a clear strategic objective: to compel modern democracies to withdraw military forces from the territory that the terrorists view as their homeland. From Lebanon to Sri Lanka to Chechnya to Kashmir to the West Bank, every major suicide-terrorist campaign -- over 95 percent of all the incidents -- has had as its central objective to compel a democratic state to withdraw.
....TAC: If you were to break down causal factors, how much weight would you put on a cultural rejection of the West and how much weight on the presence of American troops on Muslim territory?
RP: The evidence shows that the presence of American troops is clearly the pivotal factor driving suicide terrorism.
If Islamic fundamentalism were the pivotal factor, then we should see some of the largest Islamic fundamentalist countries in the world, like Iran, which has 70 million people — three times the population of Iraq and three times the population of Saudi Arabia -- with some of the most active groups in suicide terrorism against the United States. However, there has never been an al-Qaeda suicide terrorist from Iran, and we have no evidence that there are any suicide terrorists in Iraq from Iran.
....TAC: Osama bin Laden and other al-Qaeda leaders also talked about the "Crusaders-Zionist alliance," and I wonder if that, even if we weren’t in Iraq, would not foster suicide terrorism. Even if the policy had helped bring about a Palestinian state, I don’t think that would appease the more hardcore opponents of Israel.
RP: I not only study the patterns of where suicide terrorism has occurred but also where it hasn’t occurred. Not every foreign occupation has produced suicide terrorism. Why do some and not others? Here is where religion matters, but not quite in the way most people think. In virtually every instance where an occupation has produced a suicide-terrorist campaign, there has been a religious difference between the occupier and the occupied community.
....TAC: Has the next generation of anti-American suicide terrorists already been created? Is it too late to wind this down, even assuming your analysis is correct and we could de-occupy Iraq?
RP: Many people worry that once a large number of suicide terrorists have acted that it is impossible to wind it down. The history of the last 20 years, however, shows the opposite. Once the occupying forces withdraw from the homeland territory of the terrorists, they often stop -- and often on a dime.
autonomy of provinces
FULL AUTONOMY SHOULD BE GIVEN TO THE PROVINCES UNDER LAHORE RESOLUTION: ALATAF HUSSAIN
MESSAGE ON THE OCCASION OF PAKISTAN DAY
The Founder and Leader of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) Mr Altaf Hussain has greeted the people of Pakistan on the occasion of the Pakistan Day on 23rd March and has said that the provinces should be given full autonomy under the true spirit of the Lahore Resolution passed on 23rd March 1940. Mr Altaf Hussain said that Pakistan was obtained after the inestimable sacrifices and the precarious conditions of the country demand unity and national solidarity. He said that we should exhibit a resolve to tolerate each other for strengthening national security and for the promotion of democracy. It is the need of the hour that we get united and work for ending provincialism as it has sharply divided the nation. He said that the MQM is the only political party in the country that has full representation from all the segments and ethnic entities present in the country. He said that the peaceful struggle of the MQM shall succeed and the people of the country shall obtain their rights that were promised in the Lahore Resolution.
The Founder and Leader of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) Mr Altaf Hussain has greeted the people of Pakistan on the occasion of the Pakistan Day on 23rd March and has said that the provinces should be given full autonomy under the true spirit of the Lahore Resolution passed on 23rd March 1940. Mr Altaf Hussain said that Pakistan was obtained after the inestimable sacrifices and the precarious conditions of the country demand unity and national solidarity. He said that we should exhibit a resolve to tolerate each other for strengthening national security and for the promotion of democracy. It is the need of the hour that we get united and work for ending provincialism as it has sharply divided the nation. He said that the MQM is the only political party in the country that has full representation from all the segments and ethnic entities present in the country. He said that the peaceful struggle of the MQM shall succeed and the people of the country shall obtain their rights that were promised in the Lahore Resolution.
balochistan issue
So, what is going on in Baluchistan? Baluchistan is one of the 4 states/provinces of Pakistan. It constitutes roughly 40-43% of the land mass with only 5%-7% share in the population. It has the richest mineral and natural resources in the country, yet, is the most improvished area of Pakistan with the lowest literacy, health and infrastructre indices. Two days ago, “tribals” or “nationalists” or “foreign interests” launched an attack on the largest natural gas production facility in Sui, Baluchistan. This has halted the supply of natural gas to most of the country resulting in material and economic losses. The escalation comes after on-going sporadic violence in the region against the Pakistani military forces. The General unequivocally warned the tribal/nationalist/foreign elements that his retaliation will be swift and that “they will not even know what hit them”.
This has set the stage for a show-down between Pakistan military and what the Pak media is terming “terrorist organizations” like the Baluch Liberation Front and Baluch Liberation Army. At least Jang Daily expressed severe doubt in their editorial about the mere existence of these organization (which is the usual hint that India is behind it all). If they, uh, google’d it, they would know that not only do these organizations exist and have a fairly comprehensive web presence but that their greivances are long standing and, at least to this Punjabi/Kashmiri, fairly justified.
Let me start with a bit of history. The region was largely under Iranian kingly control and the autonomous principality of Kalat. The British wrested control away from the Khan of Kalat in the early 1840s and it became the staging ground for the various Afghan-British wars (the Great Game) in the later half of 19th century. The 1876 treaty between the Khan of Kalat and Robert Sandeman accepted the independence of the Kalat as an allied state with British military outposts in the region. After the 1878 Afghan War, the British established Baluchistan as a provinicial entity centered around the municipality of Quetta – Kalat, Makran, and Lasbella continuing to exist as princely realms. The British interest in the region was largely to use it as a land-mass bulwark against Central Asian encroachments. Besides a train track, the development and settlement of British holdings excluded most of the tribal population. The administrative and legislative reforms of late 19th and early 20th century India overlooked Baluchistan. Around the 1930s, Baluchi nationalist parties emerged to contest for freedom from British rule. They took the princely state of Kalat as the focal point of a free and united Baluchistan. Iqbal’s vision of autonomous federation of Muslim state included Baluchistan but the Khan of Kalat never brought into the Punjabi nationalist paradigm, arguing that the Kalat had special treaty powers. Baglar Begi Khan declared the independence of Kalat on August 15, 1947. He assured the neo-state of Pakistan that Kalat will participate in the defense and infrastructure but will be autonomous. That didn’t go over well at all and the Pakistani army entered the region to occupy the area immediately. On Mar 27, 1948, the Khan of Kalat gave in to the State of Pakistan and his old attorney M. A. Jinnah. His brother Abdul Karim Baloch refused to surrender and revolted until his arrest in 1950. Baluchistan was put under Governor General control and no elective body formed in Baluchistan until 1973.
After Partition, the threat of E. Pakistani – read Bengali – hegemony (55% of population at the time), forced the Punjabi military and civil elite (in 1947, Punjabis made up 77% of the army being only 25% of the population) to consitute W. Pakistan as One Unit in the 1956 Constitution. This was done presumably to guarantee equal representation for W. Pakistan but the measure was highly unpopular in Sindh, Baluchistan and NWFP because it meant rule of the Punjabi over their regional interests. Separatist, sub-national movements triumphing local languages and cultures and protesting Punjabi hegemony arose in all the three states. Especially in Baluchistan, the Khan of Kalat led a stringent opposition to the One Unit. But the wave of military dictatorships quashed all such designs. In 1970, Yayha Khan dissolved the One Unit to appease E. Pakistan but the horrific damage done by the army in soon-to-be-Bangladesh proved too much.
After 1971, the sub-nationalist movements in Sindh and Baluchistan demanded their fair share of the nationalist pie. With Bangladesh’s independence, Punjab became the most populous and richest state in the country. It had 58% of the population while Baluchistan had 4%. Led by Bhutto’s central populism, Baluchistan had its first elected body in 1972. The National Awami Party won the majority of the seats in Baluchistan and started making noises about state rights. In 1973, it was clear to the NAP that Baluchistan was the least developed province with the majority of civil and military bureaucracy coming from Punjab. They, quite correctly, saw this as a colonial exploitation. The discovery of natural gas reserves at Sui had made the area incredibly vital to Pakistan and Iran’s developmental programs. The refusal by the Bhutto’s central government to allow NAP internal autonomy escalated a tense situation into an outright revolt. Bhutto dismissed the Baluchistan assembly and re-instituted Governor’s rule. The Baluchi nationalists launched an all-out military resistance.
From 1973-1978, roughly 60,000 Baluchi tribesmen and militia have faced off against the Pakistani army. Iran, eager to quell any similar uprising in its bordering area, has contributed airforce and personnel to the Pakistani efforts. They bombarbed Baluchi villages into submission. Bhutto’s ouster, via Zia’s military coup, forced a calm onto the situation as Zia launched into his One Pakistan Through Islam program. The Afghanistan war, the Iranian revolution and the Zia’s policies made Baluchistan into an island of outsider activity. US/UN aid for Afghani refugees poured into the metropolitan areas. During the 90s, the Benazir/Nawaz Sharif governments did little for Baluchistan as the Baluchi nationalist parties floundered in exile.
After The General landed into power (get it?), he tried to foster new relationship with Baluchistan. Over the last three years, the Kachhi Canal, Mirani Dam, Gwadar Port, Makran Coastal Highway, Saindak Copper Project and Quetta Water Supply Scheme were announced by Islamabad. Over 300 percent increase was made in the national budget for development programs in Baluchistan. Yet,all these things have failed to materialize from paper into concrete.
These latest incidents emerge from the same calls for Baluchistan’s equal share in the national programs and right to self-administer. The catalyst seems to be the assault on a female doctor, Dr. Shazia Khalid, by a gang of employees of the PPL at Sui. The company management, along with the local police, tried to quash the issue while the central authorities ignored all pleas to intervene. This caused the initial attack on the Sui facility. Nawab Akbar Bugti, the leader of Democratic National Party Baluchistan, clearly stated that the attack was borne out of frustration on the lack of action against the employees who did the assault and was NOT a nationalist struggle for freedom by the tribals. The General, on the other hand, is going to play this as another internal/extrenal threat to Pakistan and seems determined to carry out a military response. His pointed reference to the 1973 uprising is meant to warn the Baluchi tribals that he will not negotiate on his terms.
Today’s actions by the tribals and the military response in Baluchistan can be understood within the context of the acrimonious central-regional relationship in Pakistan. The rights of states, the rights of minorities, the rights of individuals are all negotiated within the vaccum of Islamabad military power-brokers. Having no access to that, the aggrieved parties find no alternative except violent struggle. The history of MQM, of Sindh, of Waziristan and, of Baluchistan provide ample attestation to that reality. I hate to say it again but here it goes: there is no way out except a democratically elected and constituted assembly that will re-imagine Pakistan as a federation with a secular and civil Constitution at the helm.
This has set the stage for a show-down between Pakistan military and what the Pak media is terming “terrorist organizations” like the Baluch Liberation Front and Baluch Liberation Army. At least Jang Daily expressed severe doubt in their editorial about the mere existence of these organization (which is the usual hint that India is behind it all). If they, uh, google’d it, they would know that not only do these organizations exist and have a fairly comprehensive web presence but that their greivances are long standing and, at least to this Punjabi/Kashmiri, fairly justified.
Let me start with a bit of history. The region was largely under Iranian kingly control and the autonomous principality of Kalat. The British wrested control away from the Khan of Kalat in the early 1840s and it became the staging ground for the various Afghan-British wars (the Great Game) in the later half of 19th century. The 1876 treaty between the Khan of Kalat and Robert Sandeman accepted the independence of the Kalat as an allied state with British military outposts in the region. After the 1878 Afghan War, the British established Baluchistan as a provinicial entity centered around the municipality of Quetta – Kalat, Makran, and Lasbella continuing to exist as princely realms. The British interest in the region was largely to use it as a land-mass bulwark against Central Asian encroachments. Besides a train track, the development and settlement of British holdings excluded most of the tribal population. The administrative and legislative reforms of late 19th and early 20th century India overlooked Baluchistan. Around the 1930s, Baluchi nationalist parties emerged to contest for freedom from British rule. They took the princely state of Kalat as the focal point of a free and united Baluchistan. Iqbal’s vision of autonomous federation of Muslim state included Baluchistan but the Khan of Kalat never brought into the Punjabi nationalist paradigm, arguing that the Kalat had special treaty powers. Baglar Begi Khan declared the independence of Kalat on August 15, 1947. He assured the neo-state of Pakistan that Kalat will participate in the defense and infrastructure but will be autonomous. That didn’t go over well at all and the Pakistani army entered the region to occupy the area immediately. On Mar 27, 1948, the Khan of Kalat gave in to the State of Pakistan and his old attorney M. A. Jinnah. His brother Abdul Karim Baloch refused to surrender and revolted until his arrest in 1950. Baluchistan was put under Governor General control and no elective body formed in Baluchistan until 1973.
After Partition, the threat of E. Pakistani – read Bengali – hegemony (55% of population at the time), forced the Punjabi military and civil elite (in 1947, Punjabis made up 77% of the army being only 25% of the population) to consitute W. Pakistan as One Unit in the 1956 Constitution. This was done presumably to guarantee equal representation for W. Pakistan but the measure was highly unpopular in Sindh, Baluchistan and NWFP because it meant rule of the Punjabi over their regional interests. Separatist, sub-national movements triumphing local languages and cultures and protesting Punjabi hegemony arose in all the three states. Especially in Baluchistan, the Khan of Kalat led a stringent opposition to the One Unit. But the wave of military dictatorships quashed all such designs. In 1970, Yayha Khan dissolved the One Unit to appease E. Pakistan but the horrific damage done by the army in soon-to-be-Bangladesh proved too much.
After 1971, the sub-nationalist movements in Sindh and Baluchistan demanded their fair share of the nationalist pie. With Bangladesh’s independence, Punjab became the most populous and richest state in the country. It had 58% of the population while Baluchistan had 4%. Led by Bhutto’s central populism, Baluchistan had its first elected body in 1972. The National Awami Party won the majority of the seats in Baluchistan and started making noises about state rights. In 1973, it was clear to the NAP that Baluchistan was the least developed province with the majority of civil and military bureaucracy coming from Punjab. They, quite correctly, saw this as a colonial exploitation. The discovery of natural gas reserves at Sui had made the area incredibly vital to Pakistan and Iran’s developmental programs. The refusal by the Bhutto’s central government to allow NAP internal autonomy escalated a tense situation into an outright revolt. Bhutto dismissed the Baluchistan assembly and re-instituted Governor’s rule. The Baluchi nationalists launched an all-out military resistance.
From 1973-1978, roughly 60,000 Baluchi tribesmen and militia have faced off against the Pakistani army. Iran, eager to quell any similar uprising in its bordering area, has contributed airforce and personnel to the Pakistani efforts. They bombarbed Baluchi villages into submission. Bhutto’s ouster, via Zia’s military coup, forced a calm onto the situation as Zia launched into his One Pakistan Through Islam program. The Afghanistan war, the Iranian revolution and the Zia’s policies made Baluchistan into an island of outsider activity. US/UN aid for Afghani refugees poured into the metropolitan areas. During the 90s, the Benazir/Nawaz Sharif governments did little for Baluchistan as the Baluchi nationalist parties floundered in exile.
After The General landed into power (get it?), he tried to foster new relationship with Baluchistan. Over the last three years, the Kachhi Canal, Mirani Dam, Gwadar Port, Makran Coastal Highway, Saindak Copper Project and Quetta Water Supply Scheme were announced by Islamabad. Over 300 percent increase was made in the national budget for development programs in Baluchistan. Yet,
These latest incidents emerge from the same calls for Baluchistan’s equal share in the national programs and right to self-administer. The catalyst seems to be the assault on a female doctor, Dr. Shazia Khalid, by a gang of employees of the PPL at Sui. The company management, along with the local police, tried to quash the issue while the central authorities ignored all pleas to intervene. This caused the initial attack on the Sui facility. Nawab Akbar Bugti, the leader of Democratic National Party Baluchistan, clearly stated that the attack was borne out of frustration on the lack of action against the employees who did the assault and was NOT a nationalist struggle for freedom by the tribals. The General, on the other hand, is going to play this as another internal/extrenal threat to Pakistan and seems determined to carry out a military response. His pointed reference to the 1973 uprising is meant to warn the Baluchi tribals that he will not negotiate on his terms.
Today’s actions by the tribals and the military response in Baluchistan can be understood within the context of the acrimonious central-regional relationship in Pakistan. The rights of states, the rights of minorities, the rights of individuals are all negotiated within the vaccum of Islamabad military power-brokers. Having no access to that, the aggrieved parties find no alternative except violent struggle. The history of MQM, of Sindh, of Waziristan and, of Baluchistan provide ample attestation to that reality. I hate to say it again but here it goes: there is no way out except a democratically elected and constituted assembly that will re-imagine Pakistan as a federation with a secular and civil Constitution at the helm.
target killing in karachi
KARACHI: Karachi witnessed 115 killings in the current month, among them 38 were target killings, said Sindh Information Minister Sharjeel Inam Memon.
Copyright APP (Associated Press of Pakistan), 2011
Addressing a press conference at Sindh Secretariat, he said total 66 killings were reported between 13th and 23 April, among them 23 were target killings.
Memon said the First Information Reports (FIRs) of 58 killings had been lodged. Seven alleged target killers had been apprehended in 43 killing cases between 1st to 12th April, he added.
Moreover, 15 other accused were also arrested, involved in other murders. Of the total 23 targeted killings reported in last ten days, six each were reported in Gulshan and Orangi towns, two each in Gadap, New Karachi, Liaquatabad and Sadar towns, one each in Malir and Shah Faisal town.
Eleven targeted killers were arrested from Police East zone, 10 from West zone and 2 from South zone.
Police held 36 encounters in last ten days, while 85 absconders nabbed, Memon said. He said two repeaters, five revolvers and 127 pistols were recovered by the police during different raids.
Of the total arrests made by police, 15 criminals belong to a banned outfit. Minister said police have increased patrolling and snap checking at various places across the city, while law enforcement agencies are after the absconding criminals.
Referring to recent bomb blast at a gambling den of Karachi, Sharjeel said the club was officially established and registered since 1953 as cards club. It was also raided last year by the police and many arrests were made; however, all detainees were exonerated following the court orders.
Responding to a query, he said Chief Minister Sindh had announced to bear all medical expenses of private TV channel reporter who was manhandled by some miscreants a few days ago.
TERRORISM
Terrorism means to spread act of terror among masses. It is world wide process, which has natural aspects. It is not related to individual’s sense of compulsion but it is a spiritual habit which compels some ones to carryon attack either in the form of suicide attack or targeted attack. As for concern with our homeland we are witnessing the demon of terrorism for last one decade Pakistani nation has been scarifying their lives in the war against terrorism this is because of wrong policies of our puppets leadership the war against terrorism was of foreign countries war but our incompetent unprudent and power thirsty leadership have made it our own war an account of enhancing their powers terrorism has undermine the foundation of our country terrorists has been targeting innocent Pakistani,ie men women children. our country has lost his fame due to presence of the demon of terrorism our scholars’ and analysts estimate the total lose occurred to us approximately 60 billion dollar and the total casualition of our innocent pak is about 35 thousand no life ,property, of individual is safe, with every passing day there occurs any suicide attacks. the menace of terrorism has sabotaged the social and economic life of people .the people of abroad are net coming to our country due to fear of terrorism. their investment go to our neighbors country and we are reprise from the economic benefits which go against our economy in turn we are to face the great economic meltdown. our country is confronted by countless challenges. they are in the form of destruction of economy, shortage of energy dearness is near to culmination, with the every passing day the price hike become necessary people of country are facing curse of their some evil done by extremist due to tiresome we are debated of imf and world bank.imf with every day imposing different sort of condition and s.stress on us to increase the prices in every day commodities, electricity, petrol etc.
It is my advise to govt that for the sake of god avoid the relationship with America due to this act we will progress in every field and we will be prosperous country in world, our image will be betterWednesday, April 20, 2011
Importance of Economic Studies
Importance of Economic Studies
Economic studies are important in many respects:
Nevertheless. man's will and his lucid faith hold pride of place in bringing about change and realizing progress. Hence, the primary concern of Islam with the preparation of the spirit and its education according to right ethics in the first place.
That is the point of departure since it is a truism that individuals and nations can only exist with good morals and human relationships and not with wealth, social status, or material progress. The exact conception of Islam stems from its concern, on the one hand, with the education of man and, on the other, with the betterment of his living since these affect, and complement, each other to the extent that humanity cannot further its progress if it neglects either of these aspects the will of man and the conditions of the environment.
Such a living Islam. Practiced in the same way and according to the same principles. can enjoy an expansion which will have nothing to enjoy to its expansion in its flourishing era in the 8 th century. Islam was able in those days in the face of two able in those days in the face of two great powers- the empires of the Sassamidal and Byzantium- which were eaten away by the same forces of disintegration and turmoil which we witness now to give a feeling of their genuine humanity and a sense to their secular life to millions of people and bestowed upon them a new blissful life by setting them on the path to Allah the One and Only to whom we must return, and to whom we shall be accountable. for, he who makes the slightest good shall be rewarded for it and he who makes the smallest harm shall be punished for it. [Note: This Koranic verse is given no reference in the text. It has been rendered into English by the translator.]
I converted to Islam because I found in it what I have sought throughout my life ... and if Islam is the sincere answer to the call of Allah . We shall surely live and die as Moslems.
Economic studies are important in many respects:
- Economic activity is man's predominant and essential activity.
- The laws of every society are the result of its economic conditions and development.
- People's customs and the Way of thinking in every society are the product of their economic conditions and development.
1.1 Economic Activity is Man's Predominant and Essential Activity
- The importance of economic studies is due to the fact that man's essential and predominant activity is economic.
- Although we believe that the material factor is crucial in life and that economics is essential in the orientation of the action of history. we are. however, strongly opposed to the idea which claims that material interests alone determine people’s behavior, and that economics is the key to history. There exist other interests and factors. e.g. moral. religious. Psychological, etc. Man does not live on bread alone. (Al-Fanjari I982: 37 ff.).
- The importance of economic studies has increased following the evolution and development of production strategies, and the expansion of economic activity. The conflict between East and West is purely economic. The present world problems are caused by the emergence of Europe. Japan and China as world economic powers. The major problem of the Third World, represented by Asia, Africa and Latin America, is underdevelopment. The world’s main concern today remains economic development. (Cf. Namiq 1968; Nasr (1965) [Note: Dr Nasr(1965 309) argues that national progress means good longevity average for the people (about 70 years in the West). a high standard of living, provision of various health. educational and leisure services. National progress means the use of machines to replace man in doing oppressive work. It means respecting Man giving women their rights and not allowing children to work at an early age. Last, but not least, it means development and enrichment at fast speed. Underdevelopment in a given country means short longevity (between 30 and 40 years in poor countries). lack or insufficiency of proper food. Clothing and housing. It means the spread of disease. Ignorance and witchcraft as well as that of unemployment and the exploiting of workers. It is employing women and children in exhausting jobs. It is also dictatorship of parliament, when there is one. and the slow rate of development if it ever takes place. In many cases, underdevelopment also means backwardness due to the increase of the population and the decrease of production”.]
1.2 Jurisprudence in any Society is a Product of its Economic Circumstances and Development
- The prevailing type of economic activities is another aspect which shows the importance of economic studies because it determines the various levels of organization in any society - be they political, social or economic.
Thus, the slavery and aristocracy systems which prevailed in the past were no more than an expression of the dominant economic conditions in those days. Also, the emergence of socialist systems and their triumph in the modern world is not simply the result of coincidence or of preference of one ruler over another but it was the natural consequence of a particular stage in the economic development of the world. We agree, in this respect, with those who say that, instead of sheer insults and invective, the best critique of feudalism or capitalism should be launched on the grounds of their inability, at a certain period in the economic development of the world, to cope with the needs of the community and their failure to meet the requirements of growth and progress (See Zakaria, 1965 pp.4 and 337)
- However, although we take for granted the effect of economic circumstances and development in determining legislative systems, we do not accept it as the unique or predominant influencing factor, since, undoubtedly, each people’s readiness and religious commitments, its ideals and aspirations as well as its conception of Justice contribute effectively with other elements to differentiate between legislative systems regardless of economic circumstances and situations. Perhaps, the best illustration of this is the Moslem society in the early days of Islam; for it is not surprising to see science and civilization flourish in an environment where both the means of knowledge and the elements of growth abound; but that they should prosper in an arid land not suitable for crops is indeed a phenomenon that calls for serious thought.
- Moreover, the relationship between law and economics has increased nowadays according to economic activity and its expansion so that if economy is the essence, law is the form which is worked out to organize and maintain that essence. Thus, with the expansion of the field of economic activity and its increasing threat, a new discipline, ‘Economic Law”, has seen the day. (Cf. De Loubadir 1971, Atia .1972).
1.3. The Character of People and their Thinking are the Product of the Economic Conditions and Circumstances of Society
- Another clue to the importance of economic studies is the fact that the character of people and their way of thinking are the outcome of economic development and circumstances. Hence the remarkable difference between agricultural and industrial societies. Thus, while we find the farmer rather contented and resigned, sowing and awaiting such fatal judgments as aspects of the weather and agricultural catastrophes. his counterpart in industry is more ambitious and combative as he is in control of the machine and of production (see Hilmi I961). It is a fact that the basic difference between advanced and underdeveloped societies stems from their differential decrees of economic growth and development.
- However, although we take for granted the effect of economic growth and development in shaping the lives of people and their ways of thinking. we do not accept them as the unique or the predominant factor.
There is no doubt that the prevailing creeds in society whether divine or secular, play a vital role in molding the character of people and their way of thinking. Perhaps, the best evidence for this Islam, which, in a very’ short span of time. has turned lost and backward peasants into masters of and guides to, mankind who changed history and enriched and gave a profound meaning to life.
- Marxism on the other hand attributes all change and development to the means of production and to the material conditions of society and claims that it is these elements only that guide mankind and shape society affirming that it is not people’s perceptions of the world which define or determine their living but their material status.
Nevertheless. man's will and his lucid faith hold pride of place in bringing about change and realizing progress. Hence, the primary concern of Islam with the preparation of the spirit and its education according to right ethics in the first place.
That is the point of departure since it is a truism that individuals and nations can only exist with good morals and human relationships and not with wealth, social status, or material progress. The exact conception of Islam stems from its concern, on the one hand, with the education of man and, on the other, with the betterment of his living since these affect, and complement, each other to the extent that humanity cannot further its progress if it neglects either of these aspects the will of man and the conditions of the environment.
1.4. Man's Material and Spiritual betterment is Conditioned by the Improvement of his Economic Situation
- Lastly, the importance of economic studies emerges from another angle which is the synthesis of the previous ones, namely that man's material and spiritual betterment is conditioned by the amelioration of his economic conditions. Thus, material underdevelopment cannot lead to civilization. Similarly, we cannot expect high moral standards and good behavior from the hungry and the deprived.
It is from this perspective that we understand the balanced concern of Islam with Sharia as well as with faith; and how, being the ultimate religion, it is concerned with both the spiritual and secular aspects of life. This is because unless people are comforted in their living, and unless they feel that society is ready to help and secure them in dire need, their faith cannot be expected to be incorruptible nor their morals develop.
We have mentioned above, the securing to all citizens of a good standard of living (Al Kafaf) and not just the satisfying of their basic needs (Al Kafaf) and that private property, difference in wealth and riches should not be allowed until this right is guaranteed to all.
- Although we take for granted the importance of the material aspect, we do not agree that it is only its abundance that brings about welfare to human communities. This material welfare must be twinned with faith; otherwise it will turn into threat, the effects of which we clearly see in the U.S.A. and in the Scandinavian countries in the increasing suicide incidents and immoral behavior. [Note: An alarming report broadcasted by the Swedish Ministry of Social Affairs declared that 25% of the Swedish population are mentally ill. The report has also shown that the suicide rate has increased, that 30% of the health budget is spent on mental health, and that 40% of those who retire prematurely or because of their inability to work are mental patients. On the grounds of the statistics it cited, the report concluded that material progress without faith or control is likely to render people miserable and crush the solidarity of society.]
- Likewise, we do not question the fact that the underdevelopment of Moslems nowadays stems basically from their economic underdevelopment. This state of affairs reflects itself on their behavior to the extent that they repudiated their Islamic ethics and wandered away from the essence and spirit of Islam. (Cf. Al-Fanjari 1978: 39 ff.).
- Economy has become so important in modern times that the issue of human development and progress has become the issue of economic development or underdevelopment. Yet, if the purpose of any society is to progress and improve morally, then we have to understand that it is necessary for progress to be complete with both its material and spiritual aspects, i.e., its economic and religious facets. Concern with one aspect at the expense of the other will lead to disequilibria and disorder in the lives of individuals and of society.
In this respect, I am happy to report parts of an illuminating lecture, entitled “How I converted to Islam”, delivered in French by the Moslem French thinker Raja Garaudy on March 11, 1986 A.D. (1 Rajab, 1406 A.H.) in Riyadh. The lecturer said among other things “The Third World is dying because of a penury of means, whereas the Capitalist Western and the Socialist Eastern Worlds are dying because they lack ends.”
"Indeed, Modern science and technology have put great potentials in the hands of a little deviate and straying man which he exploited to serve his whims for power, pleasure and material growth, thus threatening the rights of the majority, crushing it with hunger, frustration, and suffering. This phenomenon has led to what is now referred to as consumed peace or balance which is based on horror and which might lead the two conflicting super powers to annihilate all life on this planet”.
“There are millions of well-intentioned people all over the world who seek worriedly through this darkness to give a meaning to their life and death as well as a sense to their common history”.
“To all these people, Islam can bring a light which leads to the right path to which Allah guides His people. Only Islam can bring back to human reason, illuminated by divine commandments, its two genuine and full dimensions
- The dimension of a means-seeking science.
- The dimension of an ends-pursuing wisdom which seeks Allah the Creator.”
Such a living Islam. Practiced in the same way and according to the same principles. can enjoy an expansion which will have nothing to enjoy to its expansion in its flourishing era in the 8 th century. Islam was able in those days in the face of two able in those days in the face of two great powers- the empires of the Sassamidal and Byzantium- which were eaten away by the same forces of disintegration and turmoil which we witness now to give a feeling of their genuine humanity and a sense to their secular life to millions of people and bestowed upon them a new blissful life by setting them on the path to Allah the One and Only to whom we must return, and to whom we shall be accountable. for, he who makes the slightest good shall be rewarded for it and he who makes the smallest harm shall be punished for it. [Note: This Koranic verse is given no reference in the text. It has been rendered into English by the translator.]
I converted to Islam because I found in it what I have sought throughout my life ... and if Islam is the sincere answer to the call of Allah . We shall surely live and die as Moslems.
Tuesday, April 19, 2011
Saturday, April 16, 2011
web site ka iftitah
jammat islami kay sobai ameer abdul mateen akhunzada sab tameer e nu public school harnai ka iftitah karrahay hay.
Importance of education in economic development
Education, a strong correlation with economic development
Islamabad, Oct 12: Education is considered to have a strong correlation with social and economic development. In contemporary times when the focus is on the 'knowledge economy' the role of education becomes all the more important in the development of human capital.
After all, a society of literate and skilled citizens has more chances of development at the economic and social levels.
Education can reduce poverty and social injustice by providing the underprivileged resources and opportunities for upward social mobility and social inclusion. Yet, until the National Education Policy (NEP) 2009 was unveiled, the budgetary allocation for education in Pakistan was on the decline.
The lack of political commitment of the state has resulted in multiple educational systems which are inherently discriminatory and biased in nature. A large number of students are unable to attend schools. According to the Education For All Global Monitoring Report (2007), almost 6.5 million children in Pakistan do not go to school. Countries like India, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Ghana, Niger, Kenya and Mali are placed in relatively better positions. The only country that has a worse situation than Pakistan's is Nigeria, with more than eight million children out of school.
A large number of students who make it to schools, however, drop out by class five. According to NEP, about 72 per cent make it to grade five which means a dropout rate of 28 per cent. This significant figure further brings down the chunk of the population that makes it to school.
Such a large number of students outside school means that they are deprived of the opportunity to learn and acquire skills for playing a meaningful role in society. Social exclusion is a great loss at the individual and societal levels. Most of these out-of-school children experience poverty and unemployment and some get involved in criminal activities as well. Constitutionally, the provision of basic education to citizens is the state's responsibility. Is the state carrying out its responsibility? The state needs to analyse the reasons be hind the number of out-of-school children. They come from poor families and cannot afford the luxury of education despite their desire for it.
The real issue of educational apartheid comes to the surface only after joining a school. Enrolling in a school does not ensure the provision of quality education. There is one question which is central to quality: what kind of school is it? The answer to this question may include the state of the building, faculty, management, curriculum, textbooks, examination system and medium of instruction as well as the socio-economic background of the children.
The reference to socio-economic background is crucial as schools - like social classes - are stratified in terms of social status. So social exclusion is not only at the access level but also at the quality level. The widening difference between private and public schools is responsible for the gaping chasm between resources and opportunities given to the poor and the rich. Children from elite schools have enhanced chances of employment and social integration whereas children from public schools, no matter how bright they are, are disadvantaged in terms of getting exposure to quality education.
The famous slogan 'education for all' needs to be revisited. Is it sufficient to enrol every child in school? The continuance of disparity and exclusion goes on depending on the quality of the school. Thus the slogan needs to focus on 'quality education for all'. It is the quality aspect which is missing in disadvantaged schools. Instead of taking some constructive measures to improve the conditions the state is taking the easy route of offering private schools as an alternative.
Government officials publicly give statements that public schools have failed and the only alternative left is private schools. I do not intend to underplay the significant role private schools can play in the uplift of the educational system in Pakistan. My only contention is that they are there to complement the system and should not be presented as an alternative to public education.
Education has failed miserably to reduce poverty gaps, social injustice and oppression. The education policy suggests that "the educational system of Pakistan is accused of strengthening the existing inequitable social structure as very few people from public-sector educational institutions could move up the ladder of social mobility".
What action plan has been given in the new education policy to ensure that this won't happen in the future? Simply referring to a problem does not mean that it has been taken care of. The education policy should have given a clear and concrete blueprint to combat social exclusion, inequality and social injustice. The existing discriminatory educational systems are not only perpetuating the socio-economic gaps between the haves and have-nots, they are also responsible for further widening these gaps.
Islamabad, Oct 12: Education is considered to have a strong correlation with social and economic development. In contemporary times when the focus is on the 'knowledge economy' the role of education becomes all the more important in the development of human capital.
After all, a society of literate and skilled citizens has more chances of development at the economic and social levels.
Education can reduce poverty and social injustice by providing the underprivileged resources and opportunities for upward social mobility and social inclusion. Yet, until the National Education Policy (NEP) 2009 was unveiled, the budgetary allocation for education in Pakistan was on the decline.
The lack of political commitment of the state has resulted in multiple educational systems which are inherently discriminatory and biased in nature. A large number of students are unable to attend schools. According to the Education For All Global Monitoring Report (2007), almost 6.5 million children in Pakistan do not go to school. Countries like India, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Ghana, Niger, Kenya and Mali are placed in relatively better positions. The only country that has a worse situation than Pakistan's is Nigeria, with more than eight million children out of school.
A large number of students who make it to schools, however, drop out by class five. According to NEP, about 72 per cent make it to grade five which means a dropout rate of 28 per cent. This significant figure further brings down the chunk of the population that makes it to school.
Such a large number of students outside school means that they are deprived of the opportunity to learn and acquire skills for playing a meaningful role in society. Social exclusion is a great loss at the individual and societal levels. Most of these out-of-school children experience poverty and unemployment and some get involved in criminal activities as well. Constitutionally, the provision of basic education to citizens is the state's responsibility. Is the state carrying out its responsibility? The state needs to analyse the reasons be hind the number of out-of-school children. They come from poor families and cannot afford the luxury of education despite their desire for it.
The real issue of educational apartheid comes to the surface only after joining a school. Enrolling in a school does not ensure the provision of quality education. There is one question which is central to quality: what kind of school is it? The answer to this question may include the state of the building, faculty, management, curriculum, textbooks, examination system and medium of instruction as well as the socio-economic background of the children.
The reference to socio-economic background is crucial as schools - like social classes - are stratified in terms of social status. So social exclusion is not only at the access level but also at the quality level. The widening difference between private and public schools is responsible for the gaping chasm between resources and opportunities given to the poor and the rich. Children from elite schools have enhanced chances of employment and social integration whereas children from public schools, no matter how bright they are, are disadvantaged in terms of getting exposure to quality education.
The famous slogan 'education for all' needs to be revisited. Is it sufficient to enrol every child in school? The continuance of disparity and exclusion goes on depending on the quality of the school. Thus the slogan needs to focus on 'quality education for all'. It is the quality aspect which is missing in disadvantaged schools. Instead of taking some constructive measures to improve the conditions the state is taking the easy route of offering private schools as an alternative.
Government officials publicly give statements that public schools have failed and the only alternative left is private schools. I do not intend to underplay the significant role private schools can play in the uplift of the educational system in Pakistan. My only contention is that they are there to complement the system and should not be presented as an alternative to public education.
Education has failed miserably to reduce poverty gaps, social injustice and oppression. The education policy suggests that "the educational system of Pakistan is accused of strengthening the existing inequitable social structure as very few people from public-sector educational institutions could move up the ladder of social mobility".
What action plan has been given in the new education policy to ensure that this won't happen in the future? Simply referring to a problem does not mean that it has been taken care of. The education policy should have given a clear and concrete blueprint to combat social exclusion, inequality and social injustice. The existing discriminatory educational systems are not only perpetuating the socio-economic gaps between the haves and have-nots, they are also responsible for further widening these gaps.
Islam & socialism
Discrimination against Muslims in Britain has increased markedly over the last few years. The horrendous, inhuman attack in Beslan, which outraged the world’s population including the vast majority of Muslims, will undoubtedly increase anti-Muslim prejudice. HANNAH SELL takes a socialist approach to how Islamaphobia can be fought, and draws out lessons from the policies of the Bolsheviks in the aftermath of the Russian revolution.
BETWEEN ONE-AND-A HALF and two million Muslim people live in Britain today. In London alone they come from 50 ethnic backgrounds. As a whole, Muslims are one of the poorest sections of British society. One in seven of economically active Muslims are unemployed, compared with one in 20 for the wider population. The two biggest Muslim communities in Britain, those originating in Pakistan and Bangladesh, are particularly impoverished. For example, in 1999, 28% of white families lived below the poverty line compared with 41% of Afro-Caribbean and 84% of Bangladeshi families.
The history of Muslims in Britain has been one of poverty and discrimination. Historically, however, the discrimination against Muslims in Britain has been one of many facets of the racism of capitalist society. In different forms, racism has been an intrinsic part of capitalism since its inception. Over the last decade, and particularly since the horror of 11 September 2001, there is no doubt that anti-Muslim prejudice – Islamaphobia – has risen dramatically. While other forms of racism remain, Muslim people face the sharpest manifestation of discrimination in Britain today. The government sheds crocodile tears at the increase in racism against Muslims and those who people ‘perceive’ to be Muslims. Yet it is the government’s policies that have resulted in a 41% increase in ‘stop and search’ against Asians by the Metropolitan police. More fundamentally, the government’s participation in brutal wars of subjugation against Afghanistan and Iraq – both majority Muslim countries – with all the accompanying propaganda denigrating the peoples of those countries, has inevitably increased Islamaphobia.
The home secretary, David Blunkett, has suggested that ethnic minorities have to make greater efforts to ‘integrate’ into British society, effectively blaming Muslim and other communities for the increase in racism. In reality, the converse is true. The more hostile society is towards them, the more ethnic and religious minorities will identify solely with their own communities. For example, it is true that the strength of many Muslims’ identification with their religion and culture has increased markedly. According to a recent survey, 74% of British Muslims considered that their religion had a very important influence on their daily lives – compared to 43% of Hindus and 46% of Sikhs. While there are many reasons for this, there is no doubt that the increased prejudice against Islam has led many young Muslims to defend their religion by increasing their identification with it.
However, it is not true that young Muslims in Britain identify only, or primarily, with the country from which they or, more often, their parents or grandparents came. Two thirds of all Muslims in Britain are under 25. Having been brought up in Britain, most have a dual identity, both part of Britain and alienated from it. These young people have grown up in a society where they feel under constant threat of arrest because of their colour and religion. They face increased discrimination in education and the workplace. They have been enraged by the government’s imperialist warmongering. However, only a tiny minority have drawn the entirely mistaken conclusion that the barbaric mass terrorism of reactionary Islamic organisations like al-Qa’ida offers a way forward. Contrary to tabloid propaganda, 73% of British Muslims are strongly opposed to terrorist attacks. At the same time, the potential for a united movement involving Muslim people is shown by the hundreds of thousands of Muslims who took part in the anti-war movement, alongside other sections of the population, in the biggest demonstrations ever in Britain.
How should Marxists approach the Muslim communities of Britain? Our starting point is to stand firmly against anti-Islamic discrimination, and in defence of the right of all Muslims, regardless of their class or outlook, to be able to live free of Islamaphobia. Concretely, this means fighting for the right of Muslims to practise their religion freely, including the right to choose what they wear. Genuine Marxism has nothing in common with those on the far-left in France who failed to oppose the ban on young Muslim women wearing headscarves in school. We have to actively defend the right of all to practise whatever religion they choose – or to practise none – free from discrimination and prejudice.
This does not mean that we see the entire Muslim population of Britain as one homogenous and progressive block. On the contrary, many factors, such as class, ethnicity and outlook divide the Muslim population. There are 5,400 Muslim millionaires in Britain, most of whom made their fortunes exploiting other Muslims. There are small Muslim communities that are extremely wealthy – for example just 88 Kuwaitis, most of whom are resident in Britain, have invested £55 billion in the British economy. While we have to defend the right of these billionaires to practise their religion free of repression, we also have to attempt to convince working-class Muslims that they have diametrically opposed interests to these people, and that the road to liberation lies in finding common cause with other sections of the working class worldwide but, as they are living in Britain, first and foremost here.
For socialists, the programme we put forward should always be aimed at encouraging the unity of the working class as part of the process of raising its confidence and level of understanding. That is why our sister organisation in Northern Ireland has always fought for unity of the Catholic and Protestant working class. In Britain today, the reactionary policies of Tony Blair and New Labour are fostering division – we have to attempt to cut across that.
Historically, there are strong traditions of unity in Britain between Muslim workers and other sections of the working class. This stems from the important role played by the best elements of the labour movement in fighting racism. Consequently, black and Asian workers, including Muslims, formed a strong bond with the labour movement even though the majority did not come from an urban background in their home countries. In the 1970s, black and Asian workers played a key role in many industrial struggles. The Grunwicks strike against low pay in 1976, which largely involved Asian women, was one of the key battles of the decade.
As a result of these positive traditions, until recently, Muslim people in Britain have tended to support the Labour Party. One survey in 1992, for example, concluded that: "Muslims are loyal to the Labour Party because they believe it to be for the working class, and also the Labour Party is far less racist in both attitude and practise than other parties, particularly the Conservative Party". A Mori poll following the 1997 general elections showed that 66% of Asian voters and 82% of black voters voted for Labour, much higher than the national average of 44%. In comparison, the Conservatives gained only 22% of the Asian vote.
However, New Labour today in no sense represents the interests of the working class. On the contrary, it is now a party of the ruling class, within which the unions are powerless. No wonder that not only Muslims, but a majority of the working class, no longer believe that the Labour Party is ‘for them’. Disillusionment is particularly profound amongst working-class Muslim voters. New Labour’s racist policies, despite having a more sophisticated gloss than those of the Tories, have deeply disillusioned most Muslims. But it is the war on Iraq that has acted to decisively break many Muslims from their traditional support for Labour. An opinion poll before the European elections reported that Labour’s support had fallen from 75% of Muslim voters at the last general election to only 38%.
While the anti-war movement gave a glimpse of the potential to win working-class Muslims disillusioned with Labour to a class alternative, this is not automatic. A vital precondition is that, following the complete betrayal of New Labour, the labour movement proves again and again in practise that it is determined to fight racism and Islamaphobia. But socialists also have to put the case for a class and socialist approach to Muslims. It is a real step forward that Muslims and socialists marched side by side in the anti-war movement. But we should not leave our discussions with anti-war Muslims at the level of our common opposition to the imperialist occupation of Iraq. We should extend the discussion into class issues here in Britain – including a programme and strategy for fighting New Labour’s privatisation and cuts. We must also raise the need for a political alternative to New Labour – a new mass party that brings together the anti-war movement with trade unionists and anti-cuts campaigners – a party that represents and organises all sections of the working class.
In the course of these discussions it will be sometimes necessary to raise issues on which there is not complete agreement between socialists and some Muslims. For example, understandably given the racism that exists, a growing number of Muslims are demanding separate Muslim schools. On the one hand, we have to fight against racism and discrimination in schools, and for the right of all students to have the facilities to practise their own religion. However, this does not mean supporting separate Muslim schools, any more than we support other religious schools. We have to patiently explain that this road will lead to greater segregation and isolation of the Muslim communities which, in turn, will lead to increased racism against them.
Equally, while we campaign for the right of young Muslim women to choose to wear the veil, we also have to make it clear that we support their right to choose not too, even when that means coming into conflict with some other Muslims.
Respect’s mistaken approach
UNFORTUNATELY, THIS CLASS approach has not been adopted by the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). Respect, the new electoral coalition it has formed with George Galloway MP, has had some electoral success. This has been largely achieved by appealing to Muslims. In the European elections it produced a specific leaflet aimed at Muslims which described Respect as "the party for Muslims". Under the headline, George Galloway – Fighter for Muslims, it said: "Married to a Palestinian doctor, teetotal, he has strong religious principles about fighting injustice. He was expelled by Blair because he refused to apologise for his anti-war stance. Our Muslim MPs stayed silent or supported the war. Who do you want to be our voice?"
While it is right to advertise Galloway’s anti-war credentials and to attack Muslim MPs for failing to oppose the war, the rest of this statement is a highly opportunist attempt to appeal to Muslims on the basis of their religion. Instead, socialists should be attempting to convince those Muslims we can reach of socialist ideas – especially the young working-class Muslims who make up a majority of Britain’s Muslim population.
If Respect was taking advantage of this situation to step in and win Muslims, alongside other sections of the working-class, to genuine socialism, it would be commendable. Instead, it is appealing to Muslims as a bloc in the hope of making short-term electoral gains. In fact, the history of Muslim engagement in politics has shown that this approach does not work. No doubt some Muslim New Labour politicians went into politics with the intention of helping their communities. However, unless they have taken a socialist approach they have failed to do so. It is entirely wrong, for example, for Galloway to explain that he will not stand against Mohammed Sawar, MP for Glasgow Govan, because he is a Muslim. Sawar has consistently voted with New Labour on every issue. Although he broke the whip to vote against the war, even on Iraq he has since voted with the government on every occasion. The fact that he is a Muslim does not mean he stands in the interests of ordinary Muslims. At local level, Muslim councillors have tended to come from the small Muslim elites rather than from the working class. More importantly, the majority has persistently carried through New Labour’s Blairite policies.
At the same time as failing to raise class consciousness amongst Muslims, Respect, if it continues down this path, could foster dangerous divisions within the working class between Muslim and other communities. If Respect gains by being seen as a Muslim party which does not address the needs of other sections of the working class, it could push other sections away and reinforce racist and divisive ideas.
Unfortunately, this seems to be the road Respect is on. In the recent Leicester South by-election, Respect received a creditable vote. Its candidate was Yvonne Ridley, the journalist who converted to Islam after being captured by the Taliban in Afghanistan. Once again, Respect appealed to the Muslim community on a purely religious basis. The special leaflet it aimed at the Muslim community quoted a local community leader saying that Ridley was "… the only MUSLIM [capitals in original] candidate", and that "Muslims will play a pivotal role in the election". The leaflet gave no other reason for voting for Respect.
Russian revolution as justification
IN ORDER TO justify its political opportunism in Britain today, the SWP has been rifling through history to try and find an example which backs its approach. It is clear from a recent article in Socialist Review by Dave Crouch that the SWP believes that the attitude of the Bolsheviks in the aftermath of the Russian revolution can be used to back its stance.
While Crouch’s article gives an interesting account of the events that took place it is completely one-sided – with its emphasis clearly tailored to justify the SWP’s attitude to Respect – and, in being so, miseducates its readers. In a much longer article on the same subject, published in the SWP’s theoretical journal, International Socialism, in 2002, Crouch shows he is capable of taking a somewhat more balanced approach. Ironically, in that article he criticises another author on the subject for discussing the "national policy [of the Bolsheviks] in almost hermetic isolation from pre-revolutionary society, 1917, and the Stalinist counter-revolution". But in Socialist Review he makes exactly that mistake because he completely fails to point out the vast differences between the situation of Marxists in Britain today and in Russia in the years immediately after the revolution, merely stating that "we can learn from and be inspired by [the Bolsheviks’] achievements".
For example, the Red Army did take part in a number of military alliances with pan-Islamic forces. However, this was in a situation of civil war. Numerous capitalist armies were attacking and attempting to crush the first successful workers’ revolution in collaboration with local ruling classes, dominated by the big landlords. The civil war was particularly desperately fought in the predominantly Muslim areas of Central Asia. Direct comparisons with Britain today are obviously severely limited.
This does not mean that there are not valuable lessons we can learn from the pioneering work of the Bolsheviks. But Crouch’s article only tells half a tale. It concentrates almost exclusively on the points of unity between Muslim leaders and the Bolsheviks, without explaining the political differences, conflicts and complications that existed or how the Bolsheviks attempted to win the Muslim masses to a Marxist programme. Without saying so explicitly, the article also gives the completely incorrect impression that Islam was an intrinsically more progressive religion than others because it was primarily the religion of oppressed and colonised peoples, and that the Bolsheviks therefore treated Muslims in a fundamentally different way to others.
In fact, while Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky correctly treated the religious rights of all oppressed minorities with extreme sensitivity, this was part and parcel of their approach to the national question – where their aim was at every stage to minimise division and differences between different sections of the working class. They understood that to achieve this it was necessary to demonstrate again and again that Soviet power was the only road to national liberation for the oppressed nationalities of what had been the tsarist Russian empire, what Lenin called a "prison house of nations". They did this, however, without lowering the banner of international working-class unity. Where concessions to nationalist forces were made it was openly and honestly explained why the concessions were necessary, at the same time as the Bolsheviks continued to clearly argue for a Marxist programme amongst the masses of the oppressed territories.
This has to be viewed in its context. The Bolsheviks were operating in phenomenally difficult circumstances. Despite the potential for successful revolutions in other countries, they did not come to pass and so the first workers’ state was left isolated in an economically backward, predominantly peasant country. Ultimately, these factors led to the rise of Stalinism and the crushing of workers’ democracy by a hideous bureaucracy.
These extreme conditions – where the survival of the revolution literally hung by a thread – forced the workers’ state to make concessions in all spheres. In 1921, when it was clear that a successful revolution in another country could not be relied on in the short term, against the background of mass starvation Lenin was forced to propose the New Economic Policy, which involved concessions to the market. These overwhelming material difficulties inevitably had an effect on the ability of the workers’ state to implement its policies in a whole number of fields.
Nonetheless, the approach to national, religious and ethnic rights of Lenin and Trotsky, in particular, was a model in the way it combined sensitivity to national aspirations with a principled approach. This has nothing in common with either the opportunism of the SWP or the narrow, rigid approach of some others on the left.
Right of nations to self-determination
THE APPROACH OF the Bolsheviks towards the Muslim population did not flow primarily from the question of religion in itself, but rather how religion related to the right of nations to self-determination. The unification of countries and the solution of the national question is one of the key tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, along with the elimination of feudal and semi-feudal relations on the land and the introduction of bourgeois democracy. These tasks had never been completed in tsarist Russia, which was a semi-feudal absolute monarchy. The Bolsheviks understood that, given the belated development of the bourgeoisie as a class in Russia and its mortal fear of revolutionary movements of the working class, the Russian bourgeoisie was incapable of carrying out the tasks of its own revolution.
It was Trotsky who, in his theory of permanent revolution, was the first to fully draw the conclusion that this task would fall on the shoulders of the working class, drawing behind it the peasant masses. Trotsky explained that, important as the role of the peasantry was, because of its heterogeneous and scattered character it was incapable of acting independently, but would always be pulled behind either the ruling class or the working class.
Trotsky went on to explain that the working class would not stop at the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution but would pass on to the tasks of the socialist revolution in an ‘uninterrupted’ fashion. Lenin drew the same conclusions later, in his April Theses of 1917. In the revolution of October 1917, the working class did indeed move straight from the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the beginnings of the socialist revolution.
These tasks were far greater in the territories of the Russian empire than in Russia itself. While different regions had different characteristics, the general picture was of extremely undeveloped economies and populations made up overwhelmingly of poor peasants. If the liberal bourgeoisie was weak and cowardly in Russia, it was virtually non-existent in most of these territories. What working class existed was often overwhelmingly made up of Russian émigrés, and the small membership of the Bolsheviks that existed before the revolution mostly came from this strata. All of these factors were particularly acute in Central Asia, which was predominantly Muslim. But it would be wrong to conclude that the backward features of Central Asia – such as the universality of kalym (bride price) – had any connection to it being predominantly Muslim. These features were a result of the feudal economic and social relations that existed, and the situation was little different in similarly underdeveloped regions that were predominantly Christian.
Lenin and Trotsky clearly understood the enormous difficulties the new workers’ state faced in beginning to solve the national question in these regions. The imperialist domination by Russian tsarism had been felt deeply and there had been determined and bloody struggles against that oppression as recently as 1916. It was therefore vital to demonstrate again and again to the nationalities that had been oppressed by tsarism that Soviet power was not a new form of imperialism but the only route by which they could achieve national liberation.
Hence the constitution, adopted in July 1918, made it clear that regional soviets (councils) based on ‘a particular way of life and national composition’ could come together to decide whether, and on what basis, they would enter the Russian Socialist Federative Republic (RSFSR). However, constitutions alone were insufficient. The carrying through of the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution meant assisting in the development of a national culture which had never been allowed to flower before. For example, after decades of ‘Russification’, the use of local languages was encouraged, including in several cases the development of a written form for the first time.
There was no contradiction between this approach and the internationalism of the Bolsheviks. Only by being the best fighters for the national liberation of the oppressed could Soviet Russia show that the road to liberation lay with the world’s working class and specifically with the working class of Russia. However, this approach was not understood by all of the Bolsheviks, a layer of whom tended to see the support of nations to self-determination as in contradiction to their internationalism – an approach which, in reality, played into the hands of Great Russian nationalism. By contrast, it was Lenin’s extremely skilled and sensitive approach which meant that the RSFSR included many of the nationalities that had been oppressed by tsarism – on a free and voluntary basis.
The Bolshevik approach to Islam
AS ISLAM HAD been repressed by tsarism – and was also oppressed by British and French imperialism worldwide – it was inevitable that the right to practise their own religion would form a central part of the demands of the Muslim masses. This was a right that the Bolsheviks recognised and were, correctly, extremely sensitive towards, just as they were towards other oppressed religions, including Buddhism and non-Orthodox Christianity.
However, Dave Crouch goes too far when he says that "the Bolsheviks took a very different attitude to Orthodox Christianity [as compared to Islam], the religion of the brutal Russian colonists and missionaries". He adds to this impression by stating that "1,500 Russians were kicked out of the Turkestani Communist Party because of their religious convictions, but not a single Turkestani". This is a vast over-simplification. The Russians were expelled for continuing the colonial oppression of imperial Russia under the name of the revolution, rather than simply because of their religion.
Of course, the Bolsheviks understood that in the imperial territories of the tsarist empire Orthodox Christianity played a deeply reactionary role as one of the major tools of Great Russian oppression. Nonetheless, particularly in Russia itself, Orthodox Christianity had a dual nature – it was the oppressive religion of the tsars but it was also what Karl Marx called the ‘sigh of the oppressed’ Russian masses. Lenin included the millions of Russian workers, and particularly peasants, who were still believers in Orthodox Christianity when he said that "we are absolutely opposed to giving offence to religious conviction".
The genuine Marxism of Lenin and the Bolsheviks bore no resemblance to the later crimes of Joseph Stalin. While starting from a materialist, and therefore atheist, standpoint, the Bolsheviks correctly stood for the right for all to follow whatever religion they wished, or to follow none. They understood that this meant the complete separation of church from state. State religion formed one of the major pillars of oppression in feudal society, and capitalism continues to use it as such in a modified form. In semi-feudal Russia the apparatus of Orthodox Christianity – the state religion – was a potentially strong force for reaction. But in a different way that was true of Islam in the Muslim-dominated republics. While Orthodox Christianity had been the religion of colonial oppression, and Islam an oppressed religion with the overwhelming support of the poor masses, the indigenous elite nonetheless attempted to use support for Islam as a tool for the counter-revolution. Clearly, the separation of church from state in Central Asia applied not only to Orthodox Christianity but also to Islam. The Bolsheviks adopted this approach even though it meant conflict with a section of Muslims. For example, as a result of this policy, Muslim parents in some areas refused to send their children to school.
But while they argued for the separation of religion from the state, the Bolsheviks were very careful to avoid giving the impression that they were imposing ‘Russian’ society on Central Asia from above. So, where the population was in favour of sharia (Islamic law) courts they understood that it would have been seen as Russian imperialism to oppose their existence. This does not mean that the Bolsheviks accepted the reactionary feudal policies sometimes pursued by sharia courts, any more than they accepted the reactionary feudal attitudes that existed in different aspects of society throughout what had been the Russian empire. However, they understood that reactionary attitudes could not be abolished but had to be changed over time. That is why they established a parallel Soviet legal system in Central Asia, to attempt to prove in practise that the Soviets could offer justice. To safeguard the rights of women, in particular, use of the sharia courts was only permitted where both parties involved agreed to it. If one party was unhappy with the outcome, they could appeal to a higher Soviet court.
Islam divided
ON THIS AND other issues, Crouch gives a one-sided impression. Reading his article one would imagine that virtually the entire Muslim population of Central Asia was progressive and allied with the Bolsheviks. In a two-page article containing numerous examples of the positive relationship between Muslim forces and the Bolsheviks, only two brief references are made to the fact that this was not the case in every circumstance. The first is in passing, in the second paragraph, where Crouch says, "at the same time, conservative Muslim leaders were hostile to revolutionary change", but no further explanation of the role of these ‘conservative Muslim leaders’ is given. The second reference is to state that "the Basmachi movement – an armed Islamic revolt – broke out". However, the blame for this counter-revolutionary revolt is laid solely at the feet of the undoubtedly colonial policies of the Tashkent Soviet in the period of the civil war.
It is true that during the civil war, when large parts of the East were cut off from Russia, some Russian chauvinist émigrés supported the revolution because they saw it as the best means of ensuring the continuation of Russian domination. The policies they enacted in the name of the revolution continued the tsarist oppression of Muslims. In Tashkent, which was over 90% Muslim, the soviet – under the leadership of the Social Revolutionary and Menshevik parties – conducted all its proceedings in the Russian language and excluded native leaders in an unprincipled and chauvinist fashion. These reactionary policies played a major role in pushing bands of Islamic guerrillas to found the Basmachi movement. But by October 1919, the Bolshevik leadership had re-established contact with Tashkent and from there moved to reverse the policies of the Tashkent Soviet. As early as April 1918, 40% of the delegates to the Tashkent Soviet were Muslim.
While Great Russian prejudice undoubtedly remained, the Bolsheviks went to considerable lengths to show that Soviet power meant national and cultural freedom. As Crouch describes, "sacred Islamic monuments, books and objects looted by the tsars were returned to the mosques. Friday – the day of Muslim celebration – was declared to be the legal day of rest throughout Central Asia". But none of these measures prevented the Turkish nationalist, Enver Pasha, from arriving in Central Asia in the autumn of 1921 and immediately joining the Basmachi revolt, thereby turning disparate tribal factions into a unified fighting force for Islamic reaction. This was because a section of Muslims had joined the counter-revolution, not simply because of the crimes of the Tashkent Soviet, but to win land and territory on which they could exploit other Muslims. In other words, to further their own class interests.
The Bolsheviks always understood that their task was to establish the maximum possible unity of the working class and to draw behind them the peasant masses. This meant convincing the poor Muslim masses that their cause lay with the revolution, not with reactionary Islamic leaders. Unlike the SWP today, they consistently attempted to do this.
Indigenous leaders
DAVE CROUCH REFERS to how the Bolsheviks went to great lengths to try and develop indigenous national leaderships of the soviets in the newly-formed autonomous states. Policies included establishing the Muslim Commissariat (Muskom), the leadership of which was largely made up of non-Bolshevik Muslims. At the same time, there was a policy of recruiting indigenous peoples to the Communist Party (CP – the new name for the Bolsheviks), which led to a dramatic increase in the number of Muslim members.
Crouch goes on to say: "There was serious discussion among Muslims of the similarity of Islamic values to socialist principles. Popular slogans of the time included: ‘Long live Soviet Power, long live the sharia!’; ‘Religion, freedom and national independence!’ Supporters of ‘Islamic socialism’ appealed to Muslims to set up soviets".
Once again, this glosses over a more complicated reality – no mention is made of what attitude the Bolsheviks took to ‘Islamic socialism’. It is, of course, true that, while the CP was Marxist and therefore atheist, religious belief was in itself no obstacle to joining the party, and many Muslims were recruited. However, this did not mean that a party would be admitted to the CP simply because it was Islamic and had pledged its support for the revolution. Although short-term military alliances were formed with all kinds of forces, there was only one Muslim organisation on Soviet territory that the Bolsheviks recognised (on the basis of its programme) as a genuine socialist party – Azerbaijani Hummet, which later became the nucleus of the CP of Azerbaijan. Others, like the liberal nationalist Kazakh party, Alash Orda, were turned down despite their claim to support the revolution because of their programme and class basis.
Nonetheless, such was the importance of trying to develop indigenous leaderships of the CP that individuals who had a markedly different approach to Lenin and Trotsky were allowed to join. One such was Mirsaid Sultangaliev, who became chairman of the Central Muslim Commissariat after joining the CP in November 1917. He argued that: "All Muslim colonised peoples are proletarian peoples and as almost all classes in Muslim society have been oppressed by the colonialists, all classes have the right to be called ‘proletarians’."
On this basis, he argued that there could be no class struggle within oppressed nations. In reality, his ideas were a cover for the interests of the local ruling elite. However, his ideas were consistently and publicly argued against by the leadership of the CP. For example, the Theses on the National and Colonial Question, agreed by the second congress of the Comintern, says clearly: "A struggle is necessary against Panislamism, the Panasiatic movement and similar currents which tie the liberation struggle against European and American imperialism to the strengthening of the power of Turkish and Japanese imperialism, the nobility, the big landlords, the clergy etc".
It adds: "A determined fight is necessary against the attempt to put a communist cloak around revolutionary liberation movements that are not really communist in the [economically] backward countries. The Communist International has the duty to support the revolutionary movement in the colonies only for the purpose of gathering the components of the future proletarian parties – communist in fact and not just in name – in all the backward countries and training them to be conscious of their special tasks, the special tasks, that is to say, of fighting against bourgeois-democratic tendencies in their own nation".
This example shows how utterly different the approach of the Bolsheviks was to that of the SWP today. It is true that the Manifesto of the Congress of the Peoples of the East did, as Crouch quotes, call for a holy war, which today Marxists would not do given its implications. Nonetheless, what was actually said had a clear class content: "You have often heard the call to holy war, from your governments, you have marched under the green banner of the Prophet, but all those holy wars were fraudulent, serving only the interests of your self-seeking rulers, and you, the peasants and the workers, remained in slavery and want after these wars… Now we summon you to the first real holy war for your own well-being, for your own freedom, for your own life!"
And throughout the congress, the points were made again and again that a struggle had to be conducted against "the reactionary mullahs in our own midst", and that the interests of the poor in the East lay with the working class in the West.
The revolution of 1917 inspired millions around the globe. Huge swathes of poor people from the oppressed nations flocked to the banner of the first workers’ state, including many Muslims. Lenin and Trotsky’s approach was to correctly emphasise that to join with Soviet power would mean national liberation and religious freedom. This was all the more crucial given the disgusting history of the social-democratic Second International in supporting colonial rule. However, in doing so they did not lower their socialist programme. Instead, it was emphasised that the road to freedom did not lie in uniting with the national bourgeoisie but with the world’s working class in a struggle against imperialism, and also against their ‘own’ feudal landowners and those reactionary mullahs who propped them up.
What lessons for today?
IN CENTRAL ASIA, Lenin and Trotsky were attempting to win a predominantly Muslim peasant population, who were fighting for their national rights, to the banner of world revolution, against a background of the desperate struggle for survival of the first workers’ state. In Britain today, we are attempting to win an oppressed minority of the working class to the banner of socialism.
In most senses, ours is a far easier task. The vast majority of Muslims in Britain are part of the working class, and many work in ethnically-mixed workplaces, especially in the public sector. The mass anti-war movement gave a glimpse of the potential for a united movement of the working class, with Muslims playing an integral role. The formation of a new mass workers’ party, campaigning in a class way on both the general issues and against racism and Islamaphobia, would act as an enormous pole of attraction to working-class Muslims at the same time as beginning to cut across racism and prejudice.
However, the lack of such a party at the present time encapsulates the difficulties that we face. In the 1990s, the collapse of the regimes that existed in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union provided world capitalism with the opportunity to dismiss socialism as a failure (they falsely equated socialism with these Stalinist regimes). This allowed the ruling classes to conduct an ideological onslaught against the ideas of socialism. The rightwing of the Labour Party, and of social democracy worldwide, used this opportunity to abandon any vestiges of socialism in their programme, and to become clearly capitalist parties.
Over a decade after the collapse of Stalinism, a new generation is drawing the conclusion that capitalism is incapable of meeting the needs of humanity – a minority is beginning to draw socialist conclusions. Nonetheless, consciousness still lags behind objective reality – and socialism has not yet become a mass force.
Given the vacuum that therefore exists, radical young people are searching for a political alternative. A small minority of young Muslims in Britain are looking towards right-wing political Islamic organisations like Al-Muhajiroun. The lack of alternative offered by such organisations is summed up by their opposition to the anti-war movement because it involved demonstrating alongside non-Muslims. The majority of young radical Muslims were repelled by Al-Muhajiroun and company, and understood the need for a united anti-war movement. The potential to build a strong base for socialists amongst Muslims undoubtedly exists – but only if we both engage and argue the case for socialism.
Worldwide there are greater parallels with the situation the Bolsheviks faced, although the differences remain large. In Iraq today, for example, socialists face the difficult task of rebuilding independent workers’ organisations and mobilising the workers and poor masses in defence of their rights – including their right to organise independently of the Islamic organisations, whose programmes do not offer a way forward for the masses of Iraq. The lessons of the 20th century highlight the dangers for socialists if we give up our independent programme. In the Middle East, in particular, it was the failure of mass CPs to lead the working class to power which allowed right-wing political Islam to gain. In the Iranian revolution in 1978-79, the working-class led a movement which overthrew the vicious, imperialist-backed monarchy. The Communist Tudeh Party was the largest left force in Iran, but did not pursue an independent working-class policy. Instead, it sought to link up with Ayatollah Khomeini in spite of the clergy’s attempts to suffocate the independent workers’ movement. The result was the coming to power of the Khomeini regime that crushed the Tudeh and murdered the most class-conscious workers.
On the other side, despite the enormous difficulties they faced, the Bolsheviks gave a glimpse of the only road to liberation – including national and religious freedom – with the world’s working class united around a socialist programme.
The 80 years since have been a nightmare of national oppression for the same minorities that tasted liberation in the years after the revolution. First Stalinism and now capitalism have meant the brutal oppression of national minorities in the region. Following the horror of Beslan, the danger of a new Caucasian war is even posed. Quite rightly, the barbarity of the hostage-takers in Beslan has shocked the world – no cause could justify such inhuman actions. Nonetheless, the roots of the current situation lie in successive Russian governments’ horrendous subjugation of the Chechen people – with 250,000 killed and the capital, Grozny, flattened. It is the utter inability of capitalism in the 21st century to solve the national question that will lead to a new generation rediscovering the genuine legacy of the Bolsheviks.
Box: The Bolsheviks and Muslim women
THE ZHENOTDEL – the Department of Working Women and Peasant Women – conducted a campaign to reach oppressed peasant women throughout the Soviet world, often at great personal risk. In Central Asia, Zhenotdol activists organised ‘Red Yertas’ (tents) where local women were offered instruction in different crafts, literacy, political education and so on.
However, while the revolution remained isolated, this approach could not fully succeed – in Muslim areas or in the rest of the Soviet Union – in essence because the revolution was unable to provide the economic and cultural means to liberate women. Trotsky describes how the new society planned to provide free, high-quality "maternity houses, crèches, kindergartens, schools, social dining rooms, social laundries, first-aid stations, hospitals, sanatoria, athletic organisations, moving-picture theatres" to give "woman, and thereby to the loving couple, a real liberation from the thousand-year-old fetters".
But he goes on to explain that: "It proved impossible to take the old family by storm – not because the will was lacking, or because the family was so firmly rooted in men’s hearts. On the contrary, after a short period of distrust of the government and its crèches, kindergartens and like institutions, the working women, and after them the more advanced peasants, appreciated the immeasurable advantages of the collective care of children as well as the socialisation of the whole family economy. Unfortunately society proved too poor and little cultured. The real resources of the state did not correspond to the plans and intentions of the Communist Party. You cannot ‘abolish’ the family; you have to replace it. The actual liberation of women is unrealisable on a basis of ‘generalised want’. Experience soon proved this austere truth which Marx had formulated eighty years before". (The Revolution Betrayed)
‘Generalised want’ was particularly acute in Central Asia. Practically, this meant that women who broke out of repressive family situations faced starvation as they had literally no alternative means of support. Even if the economic means had existed to lift the domestic burden from women and to allow them an independent economic role, there is no doubt that the new workers’ state would still have faced resistance, particularly in the economically backward areas where the working class did not yet exist. However, as Trotsky describes, over a period of time, on the basis of the resources being provided, the overwhelming majority would have come to understand the advantages of women’s liberation.
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